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PROCEEDINGS 


OF    THE 


Virginia  Historical  Society 


AT   THE 


Annual   Meeting,   February   24,    1882, 


WITH 


THE  ADDRESS 


OF 


WILLIAM  WIRT  HENRY: 

THE  SETTLEMENT  AT  JAMESTOWN",  WITH  PARTICULAR 
REFERENCE  TO  THE  LATE  ATTACKS  UPON  CAP- 
TAIN JOHN  SMITH,   POCAHONTAS,  AND 
JOHN  ROLFE. 


R ichm< ind,  Virginia. 
PUBLISHED  BY  THE  SOCIE1  Y. 

Ml"  I  I   I   XXXII. 


\VM.  ELLIS  JONES 

PRINTER, 

RICHMOND,  VA. 


•  » 


ERRATUM. 

In  the  first  and  second  lines  of  the  Address,  p.   10,  instead  of  the 
words,  "/6th  June,  r62i,"  read  "  3d  February,  1620." 


•   •    • 

.     .    •  •  •    • 


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ORGANIZATION 

OF  THE 

Virginia  Historical  Society. 

1882. 


President. 
ALEXANDER  H.  H.  STUART,  of  Staunton,  Virginia. 

Vice-Presidents. 

CONWAY  ROBINSON,  of  Washington,  D.  C. 
WILLIAM  \V.  CORCORAN,  of  Washington,  D.  C. 

WILLIAM  WIRT  HENRY ',  of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

£2  Corresponding  Secretary  and  Librarian. 

R.  A.  BROCK ,  of  Richmond,  Virginia 

Recording  Secretary. 
GEORGE  A.  BARKSDALE,  of  Richmond.  Virginia. 

Treasurer. 
ROBERT  T.  BROOKE,  of  Richmond,  Virginia. 


/'..  vecuth  ■(  •   C  'otn  in  it  tee. 

BEVERLEY  RANDOLPH  WELLFORD,  Jr..  of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

ANTIK  >NY  M.  KEILEY of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

O       |.  L.  M.  CURRY of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

*       HENRY  COALTER   CABEL1 of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

0      ARCHER  ANDERS*  >N of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

"*       WILLIAM   P.  PALMER of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

2!      I  HARLES  GORHAM   BARNEY of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

3      |<  iSLI'll    BRYAN of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

<      EDWARD  VIRGINIUS  VALENTINE of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

[<  >HN  '  >TT of  Richmond,  Virginia. 

WILLIAM   A.  MAURY of  Washington,  IK  C 

|(  MIX  11.  WHITEHEAD of  Norfolk,  Virginia. 

Members  of  the  Committee  m  •officio: 
The  President,  Vice-Presidents,  Set  retaries  and  Treasurer. 


4471; 


(>1  KICERS. 


Committee  on  Finance. 


Wii  1  [AM   r.  PALMER,  BEVERLEY  R.  WELLFORD,  Jr., 

WILLIAM  WIRT  HENRY. 


( 'ontmittee  on  Publication. 

ARCHER  ANDERSON,  EDWARD  VIRGINIUS  VALENTINE, 

J.  L.  M.  CURRY. 


Committee  on  the  Library. 

ANTHONY  M.  KEILEY,  JOSEPH  BRYAN, 

WILLIAM  P.  PALMER. 


Committee  o?i  Incidental  Expenses. 

HENRY  COALTER  CABELL,      EDWARD  VIRGINIUS  VALENTINE, 
BEVERLEY   R.  WELLFORD,  Jr. 


Committee  on  Membership. 

WILLIAM  WIRT  HENRY,  CHARLES  GORHAM  BARNEY, 

JOHN  OTT. 


Committee  on  Building. 

JOHN  OTT,  R.  A.  BROCK, 

HENRY  COALTER  CABELL. 


PROCEEDINGS. 


The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society  was 
held  in  the  Hall  of  the  House  of  Delegates  of  Virginia,  in  the 
Capitol  at  Richmond,  Friday,  February  24th,  1882,  at  8  o'clock 
in  the  evening. 

The  meeting  was  called  to  order  by  Vice-President  Henry, 
and  the  Hon.  Beverley  Randolph  Wellford,  Jr.,  requested  to 
preside. 

The  Corresponding  Secretary  and  Librarian,  R.  A.  Brock, 
in  behalf  of  the  Executive  Committee,  read  the  report  of  that 
body.     He  also  read  the  report  of  the  Treasurer. 

Mr.  James  Lyons,  Jr.,  for  the  nominating  committee,  reported 
a  list  of  officers  and  committees  for  the  year  1882.  They  were 
unanimously  chosen. 

Vice-President  Henry  then  addressed  the  Society. 

At  the  close  of  the  address  the  Hon.  Anthony  M.  Keiley 
offered  the  following  resolution,  which  was  unanimously  adopted : 

Resolved,  That  the  thanks  of  the  Society  be  presented  to  Vice  President 
Henry  for  his  learned,  able  and  instructive  address,  a  copy  of  which  is  hereby 
requested  for  publication  with  the  proceedings  of  the  Society  on  this  occasion. 


6  rROCEKDINliS. 


REPORT 


OV  THE 


EXECUTIVE    COMMITTEE. 


We  have  just  cause  to  congratulate  the  Society  upon  the 
highly  encouraging'  progress  it  has  made  during  the  past  year, 
both  in  membership  and  material  acquisitions. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  also,  that  the  interest  which  has  been 
manifested  in  its  welfare  has  not  only  pervaded  our  whole 
country,  but  has  extended  across  the  Atlantic,  and  we  have 
had  gratifying  demonstrations  that  the  descent  of  the  "  Ancient 
Dominion,"  after  a  lapse  of  nearly  three  centuries,  is  still 
warmly  regarded  in  the  Mother  Country. 

We  have  the  great  pleasure  to  report  that  the  Society  now 
bears  upon  its  rolls  an  aggregate  membership  of  592,  which 
comprises  30  honorary,  63  corresponding,  52  life,  and  447  an- 
nual members.  Of  the  last  named  class,  the  whole  number  may 
be  said  to  have  been  acquired  since  February  1,  1881,  as,  for 
several  years  prior  to  that  time,  the  Society  being  unable  to 
offer  a  publication  as  an  equivalent,  no  subscription  had  been 
asked  of  such  members,  and  no  obligation   rested  upon  them. 

The  additions  during  the  past  year  in  the  remaining  classes 
have  been:  17  life,  13  corresponding,  and  7  honorary  members. 

During  the  same  period,  the  Society  has  added  by  gift  to  its 
library  and  collections:  171  bound  volumes,  304  pamphlets,  a 
number  of  files  of  newspapers,  bound  and  unbound,  many  valu- 
able MSS.  and  autograph  letters  of  distinguished  persons,  and 
various  memorials  and  objects  of  interest. 

The  most  important  single  acquisition  was  the  generous  gift 

of  the  Hon.  W.  W.  Corcoran,  (a  Vice-President  of  the  Society),  of 

the    Original  MS.  Records  or  Entry   Books  of  the  Colony  of 

Virginia  for  the  five  years  (.1752-J757)  of  the  administration 

of  Lieutenant-  Governor  Robert  Dinwiddle. 


PROCEEDINGS. 


Among  other   gifts  of  significance   and  value  may  be   men- 
tioned the  follow ine  '• 


*£> 


The  writing-table  of  George  Mason  of  "  Gunston,"  upon  which 
he  prepared  the  famous  Bill  of  Rights  of  Virginia — presented 
by  his  great-grand-son,  George  Mason,  Esq.,  Alexandria,  Va. 

The  original  commission  (dated  April  4,  1707,)  of  Robert 
Hunter,  <  who  being  captured  by  the  French  on  his  voyage  from 
England,  never  served  as  designed)  as  Lieutenant-Governor  of 
Virginia — presented  by  Charles  P.  Greenough,  Esq.,  Boston, 
Mass. 

Two  maps  of  Virginia,  bearing  date  167 1  ;  Notes  on  Colum- 
bus, a  privately  printed  and  sumptuous  volume;  21  bound 
volumes  of  the  New  York  World,  1861-1867  inclusive — pre- 
sented by  S.  L.  M.  Barlow,  Esq.,  New  Vork  City. 

The  Correspondence  of  the  Hon.  Archibald  Stuart,  comprising 
letters  from  many  of  the  most  eminent  American  statesmen  of 
his  day ;  the  sword  of  Major  Alexander  Stuart,  a  patriot  of  the 
Revolution,  used  by  him  at  the  battle  of  Guilford  Court  House — 
presented  by  the  Hon.  Alex'r  H.  H.  Stuart  (the  President  of 
the  Society),  Staunton,  Va. 

The  Adams  and  Massie  family  papers,  a  most  valuable  and 
interesting  collection,  commencing  in  the  year  1670;  The  pis- 
tols and  sash  of  a  British  officer,  captured  during  the  Revo- 
lution, and  afterwards  used  by  Major  Thomas  Massie  of  the  2d 
Va.  regiment — presented  by  Mrs.  Elizabeth,  relict  of  the  late 
Col.  Thos.  J.  Massie,  Nelson  Co.,  Va. 

Various  family  papers  and  relics — presented  by  Colonel  Thos. 
Harding  Ellis,  late  of  Richmond,  now  of  Chicago,  Illinois. 

An  original  Fry  and  Jefferson's  Map  of  Virginia,  of  1775 — 
presented  by  the  Hon.  Robert  W.  Hughes,  LL.  D.,  Norfolk,  Va. 

A  copy  of  Stuart's  Indian  Wars  of  Virginia  in  1774,  in  the 
autograph  of  Colonel  Thomas  Lewis — presented  by  Col.  John 
L.  Eubank,  Warm  Springs,  Bath  Co.,  Va. 

Various  volumes  from  the  library  of  Richard  Henry  Lee, 
bearing  his  autograph — presented  by  Cassius  F.  Lee,  Jr.,  Esq., 
Alexandria,  Va. 

Six  volumes  ol  the  National  Intelligencer^  covering  the  period 
June  6,  1848 — May  28,  1  s 5 7 ;  Report  of  the  Revisors  of  the 
Civil  Code  of  Virginia,  made  to  the  General  Assembly  in  1846 
and  [847 — interleave' I  and  annotated — presented  by  Col.  J. 
Marshall  McCue,  Alton,  Va. 

Four  large  boxes  ol  newspapers  and  pamphlets — presented 
by  Mrs.  \V.  li.  Caldwell,  White  Sulphur  Springs,  West  Virginia. 

Three  large  boxes  of  newspapers  and  pamphlets  -pr<  ented 
by  Mrs.  M.  A.  Sitlington,  Millboro1  Springs,  Va. 

The  MS.  Order-book  of  Col.  Wm.  Heth  of  the  Revolution, 
whilst  encamped  at    Hound    Brook,   New    Jersey,   in    1777 — pre 


8  PROCEEDINGS. 

sented  by  the  Rev.  Philip  Slaughter,  D.  I).,  Mitchell's  Station, 
Culpeper  Co.,  Va. 

Did  not  the  limits  of  the  present  occasion  forbid  it,  we  would 
have  pleasure  in  rendering  specific  acknowledgment  for  many 
additional  memorials  of  value  and  interest. 

The  correspondence  of  the  Society,  and  other  duties  incident 
upon  its  reorganization,  during  the  past  few  months,  have  been 
so  onerous,  that  the  preparation  of  a  catalogue  of  its  library 
has  not  as  yet  been  within  the  accomplishment  of  the  incum- 
bent of  the  combined  offices  of  Corresponding  Secretary  and 
Librarian. 

The  number  of  bound  volumes,  however,  may  be  stated  as 
exceeding  11,000,  to  which  may  be  added  several  thousand 
pamphlets.  The  Society's  collection  of  portraits,  twenty-eight  in 
number,  comprises  the  following  subjects:  Pocahontas  (two  of), 
Earl  of  Essex,  Captain  George  Percy,  Lord  Culpeper,  George 
Washington,  Martha  Washington,  Patrick  Henry,  Peyton  Ran- 
dolph, George  Mason,  Thomas  Jefferson,  Lafayette,  Arthur  Lee, 
Edmund  Pendleton,  John  Marshall,  Duke  de  Lauzun,  Gerard, 
John  Randolph  of  Roanoke,  Hugh  Nelson,  Commodore  Oliver 
H.  Perry,  Governor  Wm.  B.  Giles,  Black  Hawk,  and  Rev.  M.  D. 
Hoge,  D.  D.  The  walls  of  the  Westmoreland  Club-House,  in 
which  the  Society  is  generously  allowed  its  present  quarters,  are 
hung  with  many  additional  objects  of  interest — engraved  por- 
traits, relics,  historic  documents,  etc.,  the  property  of  the  Society. 
The  MSS.  and  autograph  letters  of  the  Society  are  now  in  course 
of  arrangement,  the  last  in  scrap-books.  Until  the  task  may  be 
completed,  the  definite  number  cannot  be  stated,  but  it  is  thought 
to  exceed  2,000. 

The  library  is  duly  provided  with  handsome  cases,  and  the 
exhibit  is  one  alike  creditable  to  the  Society  and  to  the  State. 
So  inestimably  valuable  indeed  is  it — so  essential  in  the  elucida- 
tion of  the  history  of  Virginia,  and  in  vindication  of  her  fame, 
and  so  irreparable  would  be  its  loss,  that  it  is  a  duty  from  which 
we  must  not  shrink,  to  plead  with  this  assembly  its  claims  to  a 
durable  repository,  and  due  provision  for  its  safety  against  all 
accident.  This  can  only  be  assured  in  the  possession  by  the 
Society  of  a  fire-proof  building  of  its  own.     Who,  among  the 


PROCEEDINGS.  » 

pecuniarily  favored  of  our  citizens,  will  move  in  this  important 
matter  ? 

We  beg  to  announce,  that  in  pursuance  of  one  of  the  offices  of 
the  Society,  an  important  contribution  to  history — The  Letter- 
Books  of  Lieutenant-Governor  Alexander  Spotswood,  covering 
the  term  of  his  colonial  administration  in  Virginia  (1710-1722), 
a  marked  period  in  the  development  of  the  resources  and 
manufactures  of  the  colony,  and  of  its  progress — is  in  course  of 
preparation,  and  that  it  is  contemplated  that  the  first  volume  of 
the  work  will  be  ready  for  delivery  to  the  members  of  the 
Society  by  the  first  of  May  next. 

The  evidences  which  the  present  recital  give  of  the  condition 
of  the  Society,  together  with  the  knowledge  of  its  recent  un- 
exampled progress  (of  which  our  citizens  have  been  regularly 
advised  through  the  generous  medium  of  the  local  press),  are 
assurances  of  fruition  in  its  noble  mission,  which  should  claim 
for  it  all  needful  sustenance  from  our  own  people  of  Virginia, 
and  this,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  will  in  the  future  be  cheerfully 
accorded. 


10  ADDRESS. 


T1IK    ADDRESS. 


In  a  speech  delivered  by  Lord  Chancellor  Bacon  on  the  i<>th 
June,  i"ji,  in  reply  to  the  Speaker's  oration,  that  celebrated  man 
gave  utterance  to  these  words:  "  This  Kingdom,  now  first  in  his 
Majesty's  times,  hath  gotten  a  lot  or  portion  in  the  New  World 
by  the  plantation  of  Virginia  and  the  Summer  Islands.  And 
certain  it  is  with  the  kingdoms  on  earth,  as  it  is  in  the  Kingdom 
of  Heaven,  sometimes  a  grain  of  mustard  seed  proves  a  great 
tree.  Who  can  tell?"  What  that  great  man  hoped  for  and 
hesitated  to  foretell  has  been  realized  in  a  manner  far  beyond  the 
most  glowing  conception  of  his  wonderful  genius.  The  little 
English  colony  planted  at  Jamestown  in  1607  proved  to  be  the 
germ  of  a  great  people.  Less  than  three  centuries  have  passed 
by  and  they  occupy  a  vast  continent,  and  number  more  than  fifty 
millions.  Had  that  feeble  colony  perished,  as  did  those  pre- 
viously sent  out  from  England,  the  Spaniards,  who  claimed  by 
right  of  discovery  by  Columbus  in  1492,  and  by  grant  from  Pope 
Alexander  VI,  in  1493,  and  who  were  already  planted  in  Florida 
and  Mexico,  would  have  controlled  the  colonization  of  North 
America,  as  they  did  that  of  South  America,  and  to-day  North 
and  South  America  would  alike  present  the  wretched  appear- 
ance of  a  mongrel  population,  the  admixture  of  three  races — 
Spanish,  Indian,  and  African.  In  a  word,  North  America  would 
have  been  Mexicanized. 

But  an  overruling  Providence  ordered  it  otherwise,  and  North 
America,  through  the  Virginia  settlement,  was  secured  to  the 
English  race  and  to  English  civilization. 

If  the  importance  of  an  event  is  measured  by  the  consequences 
which  flow  from  it,  then  the  planting  of  the  English  colony  at 
Jamestown  must  be  considered  one  of  the  most  important,  if  not 
the  most  important,  of  the  events  which  have  been  recorded  in 
secular  history.  Not  only  followed  from  it  the  possession  of  this 
vast  and  fertile  continent  by  the  foremost  race  of  the  earth,  result- 
ing in   a   people  who  have  secured  to  themselves  the  highest 


ADDRESS.  11 

development  and  greatest  political  freedom,  and  have  reacted 
with  powerful  effect  upon  the  civilization  and  institutions  of  the 
Old  World,  but  from  this  beginning  there  was  developed  a  sys- 
tem of  colonization  which  has  made  the  people  of  the  little  isles 
of  Great  Britain  the  greatest  power  of  the  earth — the  greatest 
power  which  has  ever  been  upon  the  earth,  "a  power  [in  the 
eloquent  words  of  Webster]  which  has  dotted  over  the  surface 
of  the  whole  globe  with  her  possessions  and  military  posts, 
whose  morning  drum-beat,  following  the  sun,  and  keeping  com- 
pany with  the  hours,  circles  the  earth  with  one  continuous  and 
unbroken  strain  of  the  martial  airs  of  England." 

Since  the  world  has  been  so  wonderfully  affected«by  the  plant- 
ing of  this  colony,  it  well  becomes  us  to  preserve  with  religious 
care  the  memory  of  the  men  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  its 
success. 

The  London  Company  which  sent  it  out  was  composed  of  the 
best  and  most  honored  men  of  the  kingdom,  and  among  the  men 
who  composed  the  colony  are  names  conspicuous  for  intellect 
and  public  services;  but  the  names  oftenest  mentioned  in  con- 
nection with  the  Virginia  settlement,  and  which  have  excited  the 
greatest  interest,  are  those  of  Captain  John  Smith,  the  preserver 
of  the  colony,  and  Pocahontas,  the  preserver  of  Smith,  and  the 
constant  friend  of  the  English.  For  more  than  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years  historians  have  delighted  to  relate  their  services,  often 
quoting  the  quaint,  terse  language  of  Smith's  History  in  giving 
his  adventures,  and  especially  his  rescue  from  death  by  Pow- 
hatan's "dearest  daughter,"  at  the  risk  of  her  own  life,  when  as 
her  father's  prisoner  he  was  condemned  to  die. 

In  all  that  time  no  one  discredited  Smith's  account  of  the  colony, 
if  we  except  Thomas  Fuller,  whose  groundless  sneer  at  Smith  in 
his  "Worthies  of  England,"  only  demonstrated  his  ignorance  of 
the  sources  from  which  Smith  drew  the  material  for  his  history. 

Thus  the  matter  stood  till  the  year  1860,  when  Mr.  Charles 
Deane,  of  Massachusetts,  edited  with  notes,  for  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  "  A  Discourse 
of  Virginia,  by  Edward  Maria  Wingfield,  the  first  president  oJ 
the  Colony,"  which  was  then  first  published  from  the  original 
manuscript  in  the  Lambeth  Library.  This  tract  is  found  in  vol. 
iv  of  the  "Archselogia  Americana."  In  one  of  his  notes  t<>  this 
publication   Mr.   Deane  suj  I   a  doubt  as  to  the  truth  of 


1l!  address. 

Smith's  account  of  his  rescue  by  Pocahontas.  In  1866,  Mr. 
1  Vmih'  cilitcd  with  notes  a  reprint  oi  "A  True  Relation  of  Vir- 
ginia, by  Captain  John  Smith,"  and  renewed  his  attack  on 
Smith's  veracity.  During  the  next  year  Mr.  Henry  Adams  fol- 
low til  up  the  attack,  by  an  elaborate  article,  contributed  to  the 
January  number  of  the  North  .-hint  lean  Review.  In  the  year 
(869  the  Rev.  Edward  D.  Neill  published  a  "History  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Company  of  London,"  in  which  he  not  only  endeavored  to 
destroy  the  character  of  Smith,  but  that  of  Pocahontas,  and  of 
her  husband,  John  Rolfe,  as  well.  This  author  has  been  followed 
by  Wm.  Cullen  Bryant  and  Sydney  Howard  Gay  in  their  His- 
tory of  America,  published  in  1876,  and  by  others. 

So  persistent  have  these  assaults  been  that  it  seems  to  be  the 
fashion  now  with  those  writers  who  are  content  to  act  the  part  of 
copyists,  to  sneer  at  the  veracity  of  Smith,  the  virtue  of  Poca- 
hontas, and  the  honesty  of  Rolfe.  The  more  generous  task  of 
making  their  defence  shall  be  mine. 

In  order  that  there  may  be  a  better  understanding  of  the  dis- 
cussion proposed  it  may  be  proper  to  recall  certain  well-attested 
facts  relating  to  the  early  colonial  history  of  Virginia. 

The  colony  which  made  the  first  permanent  settlement  was 
sent  from  England  by  "  The  Virginia  Company  of  London,"  to 
whom  had  been  given  the  rights  of  colonization  previously 
granted  to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  by  Queen  Elizabeth.  Sir  Walter 
had  planted  a  colony  at  Roanoke  Island,  on  the  coast  of  North 
Carolina,  but  it  had  perished,  and  his  further  efforts  had  been 
thwarted.  The  London  Company,  during  the  year  1606,  fitted 
out  their  expedition  in  three  vessels.  The  Sarah  Constant,  in 
charge  of  Captain  Christopher  Newport,  the  commander  of  the 
expedition,  carried  seventy-one  men  ;  the  Godspeed,  in  charge 
of  Captain  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  carried  fifty-two  men;  and  the 
Discovery,  a  pinnace,  in  charge  of  Captain  John  Ratcliffe,  carried 
twenty  men.  Leaving  the  Thames  on  19th  December,  ico6, 
they  were  detained  in  the  Downs  by  bad  weather  till  the  1st  Jan- 
uary, 1607.  On  the  26th  of  April  following  they  were  driven  by 
a  storm  into  the  Chesapeake  Bay,*  and  on  the  13th  of  May  they 

*  The  Indians  had  informed  the  English  at  Roanoke  Island  of  this  bay,  and 
it  had  been  determined  by  Raleigh  to  attempt  a  settlement  on  it.  When  the 
Virginia  Company  sent  out  this  colony  they   were  directed  to  search   for  it.     It 


ADDRESS.  13 

landed  at  Jamestown,  where  they  determined  to  settle.  Upon 
opening  their  sealed  instructions  they  found  that  the  London 
Company  had  appointed  for  their  government  a  council,  com- 
posed of  Edward  Maria  Wingfield,  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  John 
Smith,  Christopher  Newport,  John  Ratcliffe,  John  Martin,  and 
John  Kendall.  They  chose  Wingfield  to  be  president.  Captain 
John  Smith  had  been  charged  during  the  voyage  with  fostering 
a  mutiny,  and  was  under  arrest  when  they  landed.  His  inno- 
cence was  made  manifest,  or,  at  any  rate,  his  accusers  failed  to 
convict  him,  and  on  the  ioth  June  he  was  permitted  to  take 
his  seat  in  the  council.  After  exploring  the  James  river  to  its 
falls,  Captain  Newport  sailed  for  England,  on  the  22d  of  June,  to 
bring  additional  colonists  and  supplies,  and  he  arrived  at  James- 
town on  his  return  on  the  8th  January,  1608.  He  lound  that 
matters  had  not  gone  well  during  his  absence.  Want  of  suit- 
able food,  and  a  climate  to  which  the  men  were  unaccustomed, 
had  caused  much  sickness  and  death.  Among  the  council  Cap- 
tain Gosnold  was  dead,  and  Wingfield  and  Kendall  had  been 
deposed,  and  were  under  arrest  upon  serious  charges.  The 
difficulties  through  which  the  colony  had  passed  had  developed 
the  fact,  however,  that  there  was  one  man  among  them  of  genius 
equal  to  the  enterprise.  That  man  was  Captain  John  Smith. 
He  had  commenced  exploring  the  country  and  trading  with  the 
Indians  for  corn,  by  which  he  supplied  all  the  wants  of  the 
colony,  and  three  times  he  had  prevented  their  abandonment  of 
the  settlement  in  the  pinnace,  which  Newport  had  left  behind. 
During  one  of  his  expeditions  up  the  Chickahominy  some  of  his 
men  had  been  killed,  and  he  captured,  but  by  address  he  had 
procured  his  release,  and  been  sent  back  with  an  escort  to  James - 
town,  where  he  arrived  the  day  of  Newport's  return.  Newport 
fouild  him,  however,  in  great  peril;  for  Gabriel  Archer,  Smith's 
enemy,  who  had  been  improperly  made  a  councillor  during  his 
captivity,  on  his  return  had  caused  him  to  be  arrested  and  tried 
upon  the  charge  of  being  accessory  to  the  murder  of  the  two 
men  he  had  with  him  when  he  was  captured  by  the  Indians. 
Upon  this  pretext  he  was  condemed  to  die,  but  the  arrival  of 
..port  saved  him.     When  Newport  sailed  again  for  England, 

been  demonstrated  that  the  bad  harbor  at   Roanoke   Island  rendered  that 

place  unfit  for  a  settlement. 


14  ADHRKSS. 

on  the  toth  of  April  following,  he  carried  with  him  both  Wing- 
field  and  Archer.  And,  upon  his  arrival  in  England,  Wingfield 
wrote  a  defence  o\  his  administration,  which  is  known  as  "  Wing- 
field's  Discourse  of  Virginia."  The  Phu-nix,  commanded  by 
Captain  Nelson,  arrived  after  Newport's  departure,  having  been 
separated  from  him  on  the  voyage  from  England.  This  vessel 
returned  to  England  on  the  2d  June,  1608,  and  carried  a  letter 
written  by  Smith  to  a  friend,  relating  what  had  happened  in 
the  colony.  This  letter,  as  published  in  1608,  is  known  as 
"  Smith's  True  Relation,"  or,  "  Newes  from  Virginia.'' 

Smith  continued  his  explorations  and  trade,  and  with  the 
assistance  of  Pocahontas,  who  exerted  a  great  influence  over  her 
father,  kept  the  colony  well  supplied  with  provisions.  On  the 
10th  of  September,  1608,  he  accepted  the  presidency,  which  office 
he  filled  with  great  credit.  His  adventures  among  the  Indians, 
as  related  by  his  companions,  were  very  remarkable,  and  he 
inspired  the  Savages  with  a  wholesome  fear  of  himself,  which 
proved  of  great  advantage  to  the  infant  colony.  Pocahontas  was 
his  fast  friend,  and  saved  the  English  on  more  than  one  occasion, 
not  only  by  supplying  their  wants,  but  by  informing  Smith  of  the 
plots  of  the  Indians  against  them.  During  the  fall  of  1608  New- 
port brought  a  second  supply  of  colonists,  and  on  his  return  to 
England  carried  a  map  of  the  country  and  a  description  of  the 
inhabitants,  prepared  by  Captain  Smith,  which  were  published 
in  1 61 2  at  Oxford.  The  returns  from  the  colony  had  not  been 
profitable,  and  a  change  of  charter  was  obtained  on  23d  May, 
1609.  By  its  provisions  the  government  was  no  longer  vested  in 
a  president  and  council,  but  in  a  governor,  to  be  appointed  by 
the  London  Company.  Sir  Thomas  West,  Lord  Delaware,  was 
appointed  governor,  and  he  sent  Sir  Thomas  Gates  as  his  Lieu- 
tenant, to  reside  in  the  colony.  In  October,  1609,  Smith  sailed 
for  England,  and  never  returned.  He  left  the  colony  at  the 
close  of  his  presidency  in  a  hopeful  condition.  It  consisted  of 
upwards  of  four  hundred  and  ninety  persons  seated  at  James- 
town, and  several  other  places.  They  had  twenty-four  pieces  of 
ordnance,  and  three  hundred  stand  of  small  arms,  with  sufficient 
ammunition,  three  ships  and  seven  boats,  a  store  of  commodi- 
ties to  trade  with  the  natives,  the  harvest  newly  gathered,  ten 
weeks  provisions  in  store,  six  hundred  swine,  with  some  goats 
and  sheep,  and  many  domestic  fowls.     They  had  become  well 


ADDRESS. 


15 


acquainted  with  the  natives,  their  language  and  habitations,  and 
could  muster,  if  need  be,  one  hundred  well  trained  soldiers.* 
Everything  looked  to  a  permanent  and  successful  colony.     But 
the  departure  of  Smith  changed  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs.     The 
Indians  at  once  became  hostile,  and  killed  all  that  came  in  their 
way.     The  ships  were  lost,  the  provisions  were  wasted,  and  a 
famine  set   in,  accompanied   by  the   diseases   which   invariably 
attend  it.      Within  six  months  after  Captain  Smith   left  them, 
there  were  not  over  sixty  alive,  and  these  could  hardly  hope  to 
live  ten  days  longer.     Sir  Thomas  Gates  had  been  shipwrecked 
in  coming  over,  and  had  remained  at  the   Bermudas  to   refit. 
When  he  arrived  at  Jamestown  he  beheld  the  ghastly  spectacle 
of  a  dying  colony.     He  abandoned  all  hope  of  reviving  it,  and 
taking  the  survivors  aboard  he  set  sail  for  England.     Before  they 
got  out  of  the  river,  however,  they  were  met  by  Lord  Delaware, 
who  had  determined  to  visit  the  colony  himself,  and  had  brought 
three  ships  well  provisioned.      He  carried   the  remnant  of  the 
colony  back  to  Jamestown,  and  by  his  wise  administration  put 
new  life  into  the  enterprise,  the  practicability  of  which  had  been 
demonstrated  by  Captain  Smith. 

After  Smith's  departure  Pocahontas  refused  to  visit  Jamestown, 
but  continued  to  show  kindness  to  the  English  who  fell  into  her 
father's  hands.  In  1613  Captain  Argall  induced  her  to  visit  his 
ship  at  anchor  in  the  Potomac,  made  her  a  prisoner  and  carried 
her  to  Jamestown.  In  1614  she  became  a  Christian,  and  was 
married  to  John  Rolfe,  one  of  the  colonists.  Her  marriage 
brought  peace  with  the  Indians.      Sir  Thomas  Dale,  who  was 


*  This  statement  of  the  condition  of  the  colony  is  taken  from  the  Oxford  Tract, 
compiled  from  the  writings  of  Smith's  companions;  and  from  Purchas'  Pilgrims, 
vol.  iv,  p.  1 731,  where  it  is  taken  from  the  same  writers.  It  has  been  disputed 
chiefly  upon  the  statements  of  the  Virginia  Assembly  in  1624,  styled  "A  liriele 
Declaration  of  the  plantation  of  Virginia  during  the  first  12  years,  &c  ,"  vol.  i 
of  Colonial  Records  of  Virginia.  This  paper  states  (p.  70 )  that  the  men  landed 
by  Sir  Thomas  (iates  fell  upon  the  seven  acres  of  corn  planted,  "and  in  three 
days,  at  the  most,  wholly  devoured  it."  Doubtless  the  words,  "(he  harvest 
newly  gathered,"  used  at  a  later  date,  referred  to  the  harvest  of  the  Indi.ms, 
for  which  there  were  ample  commodities  to  trade. 

I:  deigh  Crashaw  was  a  member  of  the  Assembly  of  1624,  and  be  endorsed 
Smith's  History  <,f  Virginia,  which  copies  this  statement  from  the  Oxford  Tract. 
'1  ne  account  of  suffering  afterwards  carried  to  England  by  the  Swallow,  icferred 
to  what  happened  after  Smith  left  the  colony. 


16  ADDRESS. 

acting  as  governor,  carried  her  with  her  husband  and  child  to 
England  in  [616,  where  she  was  handsomely  entertained  by  the 
London  Company  and  others,  the  queen  and  her  court  paying 
her  marked  attention.  As  she  was  about  to  return  to  Virginia 
she  was  taken  sick,  and  died  at  Gravesend  on  the  2ist  of  March, 

[617. 

The  grounds  of  Mr.  Deane's  attack  on  Smith's  veracity  may 
be  briefly  stated  as  follows:  Smith  came  to  Virginia  in  1607  and 
returned  to  England  in  1609.  Accounts  of  what  happened 
during  his  stay  in  the  colony  were  written  by  himself  and  others, 
and  many  publications  concerning  the  early  history  of  the 
colony  were  made,  but  no  mention  was  made  in  any  publication 
of  Smith's  rescue  by  Pocahontas,  as  is  claimed,  till  1622,  when 
Smith  published  a  second  edition  of  a  tract  entitled  "  New  Eng- 
land Trials,"  which  contains  an  allusion  to  it;  and  it  was  only  in 
Smith's  "  General  History  of  Virginia,"  published  in  1624,  that 
the  full  details  were  given.  It  is  charged  that  the'  prominence 
to  which  Pocahontas  had  attained  in  1616  induced  Smith  to  in- 
vent the  story,  in  order  that  he  might  associate  her  name  with  his 
own.  Mr.  Deane  also  claimed  that  the  account  of  Smith's  treat- 
ment at  the  hands  of  the  Indians  while  their  prisoner,  given  at 
the  time  in  his  letter  known  as  the  "True  Relation,"  differs  ma- 
terially from  that  given  in  the  "  General  History,"  and  that  all 
the  later  accounts  given  by  Smith  of  his  early  adventures  show 
considerable  embellishment,  and  are  unworthy  of  belief. 

Those  who  have  followed  in  the  wake  of  Mr.  Deane  have  en- 
deavored to  point  out  many  inconsistencies  between  the  accounts 
given  by  Smith  in  his  different  publications  relating  to  the  same 
matters,  and  he  has  been  painted  by  one  at  least,  (Mr.  Neill,)  as 
a  braggart  and  a  beggar,  and  unworthy  of  belief  generally. 

It  is  proposed  to  examine  these  several  grounds  of  attack  in 
detail,  and  to  show  that  in  no  instance  has  a  falsehood  been 
fixed  on  Smith,  but  that  his  writings,  where  they  have  been  dis- 
puted, are  so  fully  sustained  that  they  constrain  our  belief. 

The  first  ground  of  attack  is  the  alleged  omission  of  all  allu- 
sion to  Smith's  rescue  in  his  early  writings  and  those  of  his  con- 
temporaries. If  this  be  shown,  and  cannot  be  properly  explained, 
it  will  beyond  doubt  give  rise  to  a  painful  suspicion  as  to  the 
truth  of  the  subsequent  account,  given  after  Pocahontas  had  be- 
come an  object  of  public  interest.     But  it  will  only  raise  doubt 


ADDRESS. 


IT 


as  to  Smith's  veracity.  A  mere  failure  of  the  early  writers  to 
mention  the  incident  does  not  amount  to  proof  that  it  never  oc- 
curred. If,  however,  the  silence  of  these  earlier  publications  can 
be  satisfactorily  explained  then  the  attack  based  upon  it  utterly 

fails. 

The  books  which  relate  to  the  early  history  of  the  colony, 
and  which  it  is  claimed  should  have  noticed  the  rescue,  are — 

i.  "A  True  Relation  of  Virginia,"  or  "  Newes  from  Vir- 
ginia," the  letter  written  by  Captain  John  Smith,  and  published 
in  London   1608. 

2.  "  A  Discourse  of  Virginia,"  written  by  Edward  Maria 
Wingfield,  the  first  president,  and  printed  first  in  i860. 

3.  "Historie  of  Travaile  into  Virginia,"  by  Wm.  Strachey, 
secretary  of  the  colony  from  1610  to  161 2,  printed  first  in  1849. 

4.  "  The  proceedings  of  the  English  colonie  in  Virginia  since 
their  first  beginning  from  England  in  the  yeere  of  our  Lord 
1606,"  printed  at  Oxford  161 2,  and  known  as  the  second  or  his- 
torical part  of  the  "  Oxford  Tract,"  Smith's  map  and  description 
of  the  country  being  the  first  part. 

5.  "  Purchas'  Pilgrimage,"  by  the  Rev.  Samuel  Purchas, 
printed  in   1613,  and  republished  in  1614,  1617,  and  1626. 

6.  "  A  True  Discourse  of  the  present  estate  of  Virginia,"  &c, 
by  Ralph  Hamor,  late  secretary  in  the  colony,  printed  in  161 5. 

As  the  first  of  these  publications  was  written  by  Captain  Smith 
himself,  and  gives  an  account  of  his  captivity  among  the  In- 
dians, its  failure  to  record  his  rescue  by  Pocahontas  is  considered 
the  strongest  evidence  of  the  falsity  of  the  account  given  by  him 
years  afterwards.  Indeed  the  force  of  the  attack  upon  Smith, 
inaugurated  by  Mr.  Deane,  will  be  found  in  this  alleged  omission. 
But  what  are  we  to  think  of  the  argument  when  we  learn,  what 
is  undoubtedly  true,  that  this  letter  has  never  been  published  as 
Smith  wrote  it.  Parts  of  it  were  suppressed  by  the  person  who 
published  it,  who.  in  a  preface  signed  with  his  initials  "J.  II.," 
states  that  fact,  and  this  preface  was  republished  by  Mr.  Deane 
in  1866,  along  with  the  garbled  letter.     The  preface  ^ives  an  ac- 

unt  of  how  the  publisher  came  by  the  manuscript,  and  of  a 
mistake  in  printing  some  of  the  copies  under  the  nameoi  Thomas 

Watson  instead  <>i  Captain  Smith,  the  true  writer,  and  then  these 
words    follow:    " Somwhat   more   was   by   him   written,   which 


18  ADDRESS. 

bang,  as  I  thought,  (fit  to  be  private,)  I  would   not  adventure  to 
make  it  publicke." 

What  was  thus  omitted  from  the  letter  in  its  publication  has 
never  been  known.  Until  the  letter  has  been  reproduced  as 
Smith  wrote  it,  however,  it  is  simply  absurd  to  attempt  to  build 
an  argument  against  Smith's  veracity  upon  its  alleged  omissions. 
This  answer  to  the  main  ground  of  attack  would  seem  to  be  com- 
plete, and  yet  more  may  be  added.  We  are  not  left  entirely  in 
the  dark  as  to  what  was  omitted  by  the  publisher.  He  continues 
his  preface  as  follows :  "  What  may  be  expected  concerning  the 
scituation  of  the  country,  the  nature  of  the  clime,  number  of  our 
people  there  resident,  the  manner  of  their  government  and  living, 
the  commodities  to  be  produced,  and  the  end  and  effect  it  may 
come  too,  I  can  say  nothing  more  then  is  here  written.  Only 
what  I  have  learned  and  gathered  from  generall  consent  of  all  (that 
I  have  conversed  with  all)  as  well  marriners  as  others  which  have 
had  employment  that  way,  is  that  the  country  is  excellent  and 
pleasant,  the  clime  temperate  and  healthfull,  the  ground  fertill 
and  good,  the  commodities  to  be  expected  (if  well  followed) 
many,  for  our  people,  the  worst  being  already  past,  these  former 
having  indured  the  heate  of  the  day,  whereby  those  that  shall 
succeede  may  at  ease  labour  for  their  profit  in  the  most  sweete, 
cool,  and  temperate  shade." 

Two  things  are  evident  from  these  sentences,  one,  that  what  was 
omitted  could  only  relate  to  the  narrative  of  what  had  happened 
to  the  colonists,  all  else  had  been  given  fully  to  the  public; 
another,  that  the  desire  of  the  publisher  was  to  encourage  further 
emigration  to  Virginia,  and  therefore  what  he  left  out  of  the  nar- 
rative was  in  all  probability  matters  which  might  tend  to  dis- 
courage emigrants. 

This  concealment  of  all  matters  tending  to  discourage  emigra- 
tion was  enjoined  on  the  colonists  by  the  London  Company,  in 
the  instructions  given  them  when  they  sailed.  A  copy  of  these 
instructions  is  in  the  Library  of  Congress  in  manuscript.  It  has 
been  printed  by  Mr.  Neill,  in  his  "  History  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany of  London,"  pp.  8  to  14  inclusive. 

In  it  we  find  the  following  words,  "  You  shall  do  well  to  send  a 
perfect  relation  by  Captain  Newport  of  all  that  is  done,  what 
height  you  are  seated,  how  far  into  the  land,  what  commodities 


ADDRESS. 


19 


you  find,  what  soil,  woods  and  their  several  kinds,  and  so  of  all 
other  things  else  to  advertise  particularly ;  and  to  suffer  no  man 
to  return  but  by  passport  from  the  President  and  Counsel,  nor  to 
write  any  letters  of  anything  that  may  discourage  others." 
"  Lastly  and  chiefly  the  way  to  prosper  and  achieve  good  success, 
is  to  make  yourselves  all  of  one  mind,  for  the  good  of  your 
country  and  your  own,  and  to  serve  and  fear  God,  the  Giver  ol 
all  Goodness,  for  every  plantation  which  our  Heavenly  Father 
hath  not  planted  shall  be  rooted  out." 

It  is  very  probable  from  his  preface  that  the  publisher  of  the 
"True  Relation "  was  a  member  of  the  London  Company.  He 
says,  "  happening  upon  this  relation  by  chance,  (as  I  take  it  at 
second  or  third  hand)  induced  thereunto  by  divers  well  wishers 
of  the  action,  and  none  wishing  better  towards  it  than  myself, 
so  faire  footh  as  my  poore  abilitie  can  or  may  stretch  too,  I 
thought  good  to  publish  it." 

He  doubtless  knew  of  the  instructions  of  the  Company  to  the 
colonists,  and  whatever  he  found  in  the  letter  of  Smith  which, 
in  his  judgment,  was  contrary  to  those  instructions,  and  should 
not  have  been  made  public,  he  suppressed.  Certain  it  is  we 
find  either  as  the  work  of  Smith,  or  of  the  publisher,  that  several 
matters  well  attested  by  writers  who  published  later,  were  omitted 
from  this  letter  as  published. 

The  following  may  be  noted  in  this  connection.  During  the 
voyage  out,  Smith  was  arrested  on  the  charge  of  being  impli- 
cated in  an  intended  mutiny,  and  was  thereby  prevented  from 
taking  his  seat  in  the  Council  for  some  time  after  the  arrival  at 
Jamestown.  This  is  stated  in  the  Oxford  Tract,  and  the  state- 
ment is  corroborated  by  Wingfield  in  his  "  Discourse  of  Vir- 
ginia," in  his  admission  that  he  was  fined  ,£200  for  slander  in 
making  the  charge.  No  mention  is  made,  however,  of  the 
charge,  of  the  arrest,  nor  of  the  detention  from  his  scat,  in  the 
"  True  Relation."  The  Oxford  Tract  informs  us  of  three  several 
efforts  to  abandon  the  colony,  which  were  prevented  by  Smith 
at  considerable  personal  hazard,  and  Wingfield  admits  thai  In- 
offered  ;£  100  towards  "fetching  home  the  collonye,  if  the  action 
was  given  over."  No  mention  is  made  of  these  efforts  to  aban- 
don the  colony  in  Smith's  letter,  as  published.  The  only  pas- 
sages which  seem  to  make  any  allusion  to  the  matter  are  found 
on  pagea  17  and  21.     The  first  is  in  tin'  following  words:   "Time 


ADDRESS. 

thus  passing  away,  and  having  not  above  14  daies  vituals  left, 
Some  motions  were  made  about  our  presidents  and  Capt.  Archer 
going  to  England  to  procure  a  supply."  The  other  is  as  fol- 
lows: "Our  store  being  now  indifferently  well  provided  with 
corne,  there  was  much  adoe  for  to  have  the  pinnace  goe  to  Eng- 
land, against  which  Capt.  Martin  and  myselle  standing  chiefly 
against  it,  and  in  tine  alter  much  debatings  pro  and  con,  it  was 
resolved  to  stay  a  further  resolution."  These  passages  indicate 
no  effort  to  abandon  the  colony,  but  seem  to  have  been  worded 
so  as  to  avoid  that  construction. 

We  have  seen  that  on  Smith's  return  from  captivity,  Archer 
had  him  tried  and  condemned,  as  accessory  to  the  murder  of 
his  men  who  were  slain  by  the  Indians.  Wingfield  mentions 
this,  and  that  he  was  saved  from  death  by  the  timely  arrival  of 
Captain  Newport.  The  "General  History"  also  confirms  Wing- 
field's  account,  but  the  published  letter  of  Smith  makes  no  men- 
tion of  the  matter. 

The  same  reasons  which  determined  Smith,  or  his  publisher, 
to  omit  these  well-attested  incidents,  doubtless  induced  the  omis- 
sion of  the  circumstances  of  Smith's  rescue  by  Pocahontas,  and 
of  his  deliverance  by  the  Indian  chief,  Opechankanough,  soon 
after  his  capture,  when  he  was  tied  to  a  tree  and  his  captors, 
who  had  promised  him  safety,  were  preparing  to  shoot  him, 

As  the  unjust  treatment  of  Smith,  indicating  serious  conten- 
tions amongst  themselves,  and  the  efforts  to  abandon  the  set- 
tlement, would  have  a  tendency  to  "  discourage  others,"  and 
check  emigration  ;  so  it  might  have  been  believed,  and  doubt- 
less was,  that  a  publication  of  the  treacherous  disposition  of  the 
Indians,  which  led  them  to  break  faith  with  their  prisoners,  and 
to  put  them  to  death  contrary  to  their  stipulations  of  surrender, 
and  after  their  King  had  professed  friendship,  as  we  shall  see  he 
did,  would  have  the  same  tendency ;  and  we  have  seen  that  the 
colonists  were  forbidden  to  write  anything  home  which  might 
have  that  effect. 

Another  reason  may  be  assigned  also  for  Smith's  not  mention- 
ing his  rescue  by  Pocahontas  in  this  letter.  We  are  told  in  the 
Oxford  Tract,  that  when  Smith  was  arrested  on  the  voyage  to 
Virginia,  the  charge  against  him  was  that,  "he  intended  to  usurpe 
the  government,  murder  the  councell,  and  make  himself  king"  ; 
and  when  he  was  about  to  return  to   England  in   1609,  to  be 


ADDRESS.  21 

treated  for  his  wound,  his  enemies  trumped  up  several  frivolous 
charges  against  him,  and  one  was,  that  "he  would  have  made 
himself  a  king  by  marrying  Pocahontas,  Powhatan's  daughter." 
(See  Purchas'  Pilgrims,  vol.  iv,  p.  1731,  where  Richard  Pots  is 
given  as  authority  for  the  statement  which  is  taken  from  the 
Oxford  Tract.)  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  Poca- 
hontas was  greatly  attached  to  Smith.  The  writer  just  quoted, 
in  defending  Smith  from  the  charge,  says,  "Very  oft  she  came  to 
our  fort  with  what  she  could  get  for  Captain  Smith,  that  ever 
loved  and  used  all  the  country  well,  but  her  especially  he  much 
respected,  and  she  so  well  requited  it  that  when  her  father  in- 
tended to  have  surprised  him,  she  by  stealth  in  the  dark  night 
came  through  the  wild  woods  and  told  him  of  it.  If  he  would, 
he  might  have  married  her."  The  "General  History"  states  also 
(p.  112)  that  "though  she  had  beene  many  times  a  preserver  of 
him  (Smith)  and  the  whole  colony,  yet  till  this  accident  (her  cap- 
ture in  1613)  she  was  never  seene  in  Jamestown  since  his  depar- 
ture." With  such  charges  brought  against  him  on  the  voyage, 
and  the  disposition  of  his  enemies  to  renew  them,  Smith  might 
very  well  think  it  most  prudent  to  say  nothing  in  his  letter  of  the 
affectionate  conduct  of  the  Indian  Emperor's  daughter  towards 
him. 

But  whatever  may  have  been  the  reason  that  this  letter,  as  pub- 
lished, did  not  mention  Smith's  rescue  by  Pocahontas,  enough 
has  been  said  to  show  that  its  omission  affords  no  ground  for 
charging  that  the  detailed  account  subsequently  given,  when  the 
reasons  for  silence  had  ceased  to  exist,  was  false. 

The  silence  of  Wingfield  as  to  this  incident  was  to  be  expected. 
He  and  Smith  were  bitter  enemies.  Smith  had  recovered  against 
him  in  a  suit  for  slander,  and  had  been  active  in  having  him  de- 
posed from  the  presidency,  and  keeping  him  a  prisoner.  Wing- 
field's  object  in  writing  was  to  defend  himself,  and  to  throw  all 
the  blame  he  could  upon  his  enemies.  Although  his  "  Discourse 
of  Virginia"  purports  to  give  what  happened  from  day  today, 
yet  it  was  evidently  written  in  England  after  his  return.  He  tells 
us  (p.  91)  that  "somewhat  before  this  tynie,  (the  execution  of 
Kendall  1  the  President  and  Councill  had  sent  for  the  Keyes  of 
my  Coffers,  supposing  that  I  had  some  wrightings  concerning 
the   Collony.     *  Under   cullor   heereof  they   took   my 

books   of   accompt,   and    all    my  noatcs    that   concerned   the   ex- 


122  ADDRESS. 

penses  o\  the  Collony,  and  instructions  under  the  Cape-mar- 
chant's  hande  of  the  Stoare  of  provisions,  and  divers  other 
bookes  and  trifles  of  my  own  proper  goods,  which  I  could  never 
recover."  In  the  preface,  addressed  apparently  to  the  council  in 
England  for  Virginia,  he  says,  "My  due  respect  to  yourselves, 
mv  allegiance  (if  I  may  so  term  it)  to  the  Virginean  action,  my 
good  heed  to  my  poore  reputation,  thrust  a  penne  into  my  handes, 
so  jealous  am  I  to  bee  missing  to  any  of  them."  We  may  safely 
conclude,  therefore,  that  if  he  made  any  notes  in  Virginia  they 
were  taken  away  from  him,  and  that  he  only  commenced  his 
manuscript,  setting  forth  the  defence  of  his  administration,  after 
he  was  freed  from  the  imprisonment  imposed  upon  him  in  the 
colony. 

It  would  have  been  very  remarkable  if  a  writer  so  situated, 
and  having  such  an  object  in  view,  had  recorded  in  his  book  the 
passionate  attachment  of  Pocahontas  for  Smith.  He,  indeed, 
makes  no  allusion  to  Pocahontas  at  all,  although  it  is  very  cer- 
tain she  was  frequently  in  Jamestown  before  he  left  on  the  16th 
April,  1608,  some  three  months  after  Smith's  return  from  cap- 
tivity. His  account  of  Smith's  captivity  is  very  brief,  and  it 
would  probably  have  been  altogether  omitted  did  it  not  enable 
him  to  strike  at  Archer,  his  bitterest  enemy,  who  was,  as  he 
relates,  improperly  sworn  as  one  of  the  Council  during  Smith's 
absence,  and  who  attempted  to  put  Smith  to  death  on  his  return. 
He  relates  Smith's  voyage  up  the  Chickahominy  until  he  could 
go  no  further  in  his  canoe.  He  then  adds  the  following:  "Then 
hee  went  on  shoare  with  his  guide,  and  left  Robinson  and  Em- 
mery, twoe  of  our  men,  in  the  cannow ;  which  were  presently 
slayne  by  the  Indians,  Pamaonke's  men,  and  hee  himself  taken 
prysoner,  and  by  the  means  of  his  guide  his  lief  was  saved ;  and 
Pamaonke,  having  him  prisoner,  carryed  him  to  his  neybors, 
Wyroances  [chiefs],  to  see  if  any  of  them  knew  him  for  one  of 
those  which  had  bene,  some  twoe  or  three  yeeres  before  us,  in  a 
river  amongst  them  northward,  and  taken  awaie  some  Indians 
from  them  by  force.  At  last  he  brought  him  to  the  great  Powa- 
ton  (of  whome  before  wee  had  no  knowledge),  who  sent  him  to 
our  towne  the  viij  of  January." 

This  short  passage  is  all  that  Wingfield  devotes  to  the  inci- 
dents of  a  captivity  extending  through  at  least  a  month,  and 
which  cover  in  narration  a  dozen  pages  of  Smith's  printed  letter.. 


ADDRESS.  23 

The  disposition  to  say  nothing  to  Smith's  advantage  is  apparent. 
It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  Smith  so  impressed  himself  upon  the 
Indians  while  their  captive,  that  he  was  sent  back  to  Jamestown 
unhurt,  and  with  an  escort  of  honor.  This  we  learn  from  "  Pur- 
chas'  Pilgrims,"  at  page  1709,  of  volume  iv,  upon  the  authority  of 
Anas  Todkill,  one  of  the  colonists.  Wingfield  makes  not  the 
slightest  allusion  to  this  remarkable  fact,  but  credits  the  saving  of 
his  life  to  his  guide,  whom  Smith  had  tied  to  him  when  attacked 
by  the  Indians,  and  used  as  a  protection  from  their  arrows,  as  we 
learn  from  the  "  True  Relation."  Wingfield  alludes  to  the  inci- 
dent in  so  loose  a  manner  as  to  leave  the  impression  that  the 
Indian  guide  saved  Smith  after  his.  capture  instead  of  before. 

That  Wingfield  was  very  careless  in  his  statements  is  abun- 
dantly shown  in  his  book.  We  need  cite  but  one  instance  more 
of  his  want  of  accuracy.  We  have  seen  that  he  states  that  they 
had  no  knowledge  of  the  Emperor  Powhatan,  before  he  sent 
Smith  back  to  Jamestown  on  the  8th  of  January,  1608,  but  at 
pages  77  and  78  of  his  narrative  he  had  previously  stated  that  on 
the  25th  of  June,  1607,  this  same  emperor  had  sent  a  messenger 
to  Jamestown  and  sought  their  friendship. 

We  need  not  be  suprised  therefore  that  this  careless  writer, 
whose  sole  purpose  was  to  defend  himself  from  the  charge  of 
misbehavior  in  office,  should  omit  all  allusion  to  Smith's  rescue. 

William  Strachey  came  to  Virginia  with  Sir  Thomas  Gates, 
who  arrived  on  the  23d  May,  1610. 

Upon  his  return  to  England  in  161 2,  he  published  at  Oxford  a 
book  he  styled  "  Laws  for  Virginia."  Prefixed  to  this  book  is 
an  "Address  to  His  Majesties  Councell  for  the  Colonie  of  Vir- 
ginia Britannia,"  in  which  he  says:  "When  I  went  forth  upon 
this  voyage  fright  worthy  gentlemen),  true  it  is,  I  held  it  a 
service  of  dutie  'during  the  time  of  my  unprofitable  service,  and 
purpose  to  stay  in  the  colonie,  for  which  way  else  might  I  adde 
unto  the  least  hight  of  so  heroicke  and  pious  a  building),  to  pro- 
pose unto  myself  to  be  (though  an  unable)  remembrancer  of  all 
accidents,  occurrences,  and  undertakings  thereunto  adventitial] ; 
in  most  of  which,  since  the  time  our  right  famous  sole  governor 
then,  now  Lieutenant  General  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Knight,  after 
the  unsealing  of  his  commission,  hasted  to  our  fleete  in  the  West, 
there  staying  for  him,  I  have,  both  in  the  Bermudas,  and  since  in 
Virginia,  beene  a  sufferer  and  an  eie-witiusse,  and  the  full  StOlie 


24  ADDRESS. 

of  both  in  due  time  shall  consecrate  unto  your  viewes,  as  unto 
whome  by  right  it  appertained.     *     *  *      Howbeit,  since 

many  impediments  as  yet  must  detaine  such  my  observations  in 
the  shadow  of  darknesses,  untill  I  shall  be  able  to  deliver  them 
perfect  unto  your  judgments,  I  do,  in  the  meantime,  present  a 
transcript  ol"  the  Toparchia^  or  state  of  those  duties  by  which 
their  Colonie  stands  regulated  and  commaunded,"  &.C.,  <Stc. 

His  determination  thus  expressed  seems  never  to  have  been 
carried  out.  The  only  subsequent  writing  of  the  author  on  Vir- 
ginia matters,  of  which  the  world  has  any  knowledge,  is  a 
volume  published  in  1849  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  entitled 
"The  Historie  of  Travaille  into  Virginia,"  from  a  manuscript 
of  the  Sloane  Collection  in  the  British  Museum,  edited  by 
R.  H.  Major,  Esq.  This  volume  contains  two  books,  each  hav- 
ing ten  chapters.  The  first,  as  we  are  informed  by  the  editor, 
the  author  designated,  "  The  First  Book  of  the  First  Decade," 
and  the  second,  "The  Second  Book  of  the  First  Decade."  It 
appears  by  this  that  the  author  intended  to  continue  the  work, 
dividing  it  into  sections  of  ten  books,  or  decades. 

The  first  of  the  published  books  treats  of  Virginia,  the  second 
of  New  England,  but  neither  enters  into  the  history  of  the  colo- 
nies. The  title  pages  show  that  such  was  not  the  object  of  the 
writer.  The  book  treating  of  Virginia  has  the  following,  "  The 
first  book  of  the  history  of  travaille  into  Virginia  Britannia,  ex- 
pressing the  cosmographie  and  commodities  of  the  country,  to- 
gether with  the  manners  and  customes  of  the  people,  gathered 
and  observed  as  well  by  those  who  went  first  thither,  as  collected 
by  William  Strachey,  Gent.,  three  years  thither  employed  secre- 
tarie  of  State,  and  of  counsaile,  with  the  right  Honorable,  the 
Lord  La-warre,  His  Majestis  Lord  Governor  and  Captain  Gene- 
ral of  the  Colony." 

This  book  mentions  Pocahontas  in  giving  the  names  of  her 
father's  children,  and  gives  the  several  names  by  which  she  was 
called.  It  also  illustrates  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Indian 
girls  by  describing  her  playing  with  the  boys  at  Jamestown  when 
under  thirteen  years  of  age.  Nothing  is  said,  however,  about  her 
services  to  Smith  or  to  the  colony,  they  being  reserved,  doubtless, 
for  the  proposed  history.  Much  of  the  book  is  taken  from 
Smith's  description  of  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  annexed 
to  his  map  of  Virginia.     The  author  evidently  had  the  greatest 


ADDRESS.  25 

confidence  in  Smith,  as  is  shown  by  his  reference  to  him  on  page 
41,  in  speaking  of  some  of  the  Indian  tribes.  He  says:  "Their 
severall  habitations  are  more  plainly  described  by  the  annexed 
mappe  set  forth  by  Capt.  Smith,  of  whose  paines  taken  herein 
I  leave  to  the  censure  of  the  reader  to  judge.  Sure  I  am  there 
will  not  returne  from  thence,  in  hast,  any  one  who  hast  bene 
more  industrious,  or  who  hath  had  (Capt.  Geo.  Percie  ex- 
cepted) greater  experience  amongst  them,  however  misconstruc- 
tion maye  traduce  here  at  home,  where  is  not  easily  seene  the 
mixed  sufferances,  both  of  body  and  mynd,  which  is  there  daylie, 
and  with  no  few  hazards  and  hearty  griefes  undergon."  On  the 
margin  of  this  passage  the  author  has  these  words,  "  A  dew  re- 
membrance of  Capt.  Smyth,  vide  lib.  iii,  cap."  This  third  book, 
never  written,  so  far  as  we  know,  was  designed  doubtless  to  give 
the  "  accidents,  occurrences  and  undertakings"  in  the  Colony 
during  the  time  of  Captain  Smith,  which  embraced  the  first  three 
years  of  its  existence.  Had  the  author  written  this  third  book  and 
left  out  the  rescue  of  Captain  Smith  by  Pocahontas,  it  would  have 
been  an  omission  of  importance  in  this  discussion,  but  that  he  left 
the  rescue  out  of  a  book  only  relating  to  the  "  cosmographie  and 
and  commodities  of  the  country,  together  with  the  manners  and 
customes  of  the  people,"  is  not  at  all  remarkable  and  of  no  im- 
portance whatever. 

The  next  work  relied  on  to  impeach  Smith's  veracity  is  the 
historical,  or  second,  part  of  the  publication  known  as  the  "Ox- 
ford Tract."     It  has  the  following  as  a  title  page : 

"  The  Proceedings  of  the  English  Colonie  in  Virginia  since  their 
first  beginning  from  England,  in  the  Yeare  of  our  Lord,  1606, 
till  this  present,  161 2,  with  all  their  accidents  that  befell  them  in 
their  Journies  and  Discoveries.  Also  the  Salvages  discourses, 
orations  and  relations  of  the  Bordering  nighbours,  and  how  they 
became  subject  to  the  English.  Unfolding  even  the  fundamental 
causes  from  whence  have  sprang  so  many  miseries  to  the  under- 
takers and  scandals  to  the  businesse.  Taken  faithfully  as  they 
were  written  out  of  the  writings  of  Thomas  Studley,  the  firsl  pro- 
vant  maister,  Anas  Tod  kill,  Walter  Russell,  Doctor  of  Phisicke, 
Nathaniel  Powell,  William  Phettyplace,  Richard  Wyi'iin,  Thomas 
Abbay,  Tho.  Hope,  Rich.  Potts,  and  the  lain  mis  of  divers 
other  diligent  observers,  that  were  residents  in  Virginia.  And 
perused  and  confirmed  l»y  diverse  now  resident  in  England  that 


-0  ADDRESS. 

were  actors  in  this  busines.     By  VV.  S.     At  Oxford.     Printed 
by  Joseph  Barnes,  km  2." 

It  appears  by  an  address  to  the  reader,  signed  by  T.  Abbay,  and 
a  note  addressed  to  Captain  Smith  by  Dr.  Symonds,  and  printed 
on  the  last  page  of  the  volume,  that  it  was  compiled  by  Richard 
Vols  out  of  the  writings  of  a  number  of  Smith's   companions  in 
Virginia,  "  whose  discourses  are  signed  by  their  names,"  William 
Simons  (or  Symonds),  Doctor  of  Divinity,  then  gave   it  an  edi- 
torial supervision,  and   passing  through  the  hands  of  many  to 
peruse,  it  chanced  in  the  hands  of  Thomas  Abbay,  who  knowing, 
as  he  says,  the  writers  to  be  honest  men,  and  being  a  witness  to  a 
part  of  the  transactions,  published  it.     The  first  part  of  the  Ox- 
ford Tract  consists  of  a  map  of  Virginia,  with  a  description  of  the 
country,  its  climate,  soil  and  productions,  and  an  account  of  the 
natives.     This  was  the  work  of  Smith,  as  we  learn  in  his  "General 
History,"  where  it  is  reproduced.     The  second  or  historical  part, 
contains  none  of  Smith's  writings.     Dr.  Symonds,  in  his  note  to 
Smith,  states  that  it  was  compiled  from  the  discourses  and  relations 
"  of  such  which  have  walked  and  observed  the  land  of  Virginia 
with  you."     It  is  a  thin  volume,  and  only  purports  to  be  a  conden- 
sation of  the  writings  of  the  colonists.     The  incidents  of  Smith's 
captivity  are  related  in  these  words  :  "  A  month  those  Barbarians 
kept  him  prisoner,  many  strange  triumphes  and  conjurations  they 
made  of  him,  yet  he  so  demeaned  himselfe  amongst  them,  as  he 
not  only  diverted  them  from  surprising  the  Fort,  but  procured 
his  owne  libertie,  and  got  himselfe  and  his  company  such  estima- 
tion amongst  them,  that  these  Salvages  admired  him  as  a  demi 
God.     So  returning  to  the  Fort,  &c." 

The  writings  from  which  this  tract  was  compiled  have  not  been 
preserved,  and  we  know  not  what  they  contained  other  than  what 
is  contained  in  the  compilation.  When  they  were  penned,  the 
instruction  not  to  write  home  "anything  that  may  discourage 
others,"  was  still  in  force,  and  doubtless  caused  the  omission  of 
many  incidents  of  personal  hazard.  Whether  these  original 
manuscripts  contained  any  allusion  to  Smith's  rescue,  we  can 
never  know  with  certainty,  but  the  fact  of  its  omission  from  a 
condensed  compilation  of  them,  can  have  no  weight  against 
Smith's  reiterated  statements  concerning  it. 

The  Rev.  Samuel   Purchas,  in  his  work,  called  "  Purchas,  his 
Pilgrimage,"  first  published  in   1613,  used  the  Oxford  tract  in 


ADDRESS. 


27 


writing  of  Virginia,  but  condensed  it  further.  He  does  not  enter 
into  the  particulars  of  Smith's  captivity ;  all  that  he  devotes  to  it 
is  in  these  words  :  "  but  after  a  month  he  procured  himselie  not 
only  libertie,  but  great  admiration  amongst  them,  and  returning, 
&c."  Nothing,  therefore,  can  be  concluded  against  Smith's  ac- 
count of  his  captivity  by  reason  of  this  book,  more  than  is  proved 
by  the  omissions  from  the  Oxford  Tract.  As  this  writer  after- 
wards bore  testimony  to  the  truth  of  Smith's  "  General  History  "  in 
more  ways  than  one,  it  can  hardly  be  seriously  contended  that 
the  omission  from  the  several  editions  of  his  Pilgrimage  of  all 
allusion  to  Smith's  rescue,  can  be  relied  on  to  prove  Smith's  ac- 
count of  it  false,  even  though  one  edition  was  issued  after  Poca- 
hontas visited  England. 

The  next  writer,  relied  on  by  the  assailants  of  Smith,  is  Ralph 
Hamor.  His  book  was  printed  in  1615,  and  bears  the  title,  "A 
true  discourse  of  the  present  estate  of  Virginia,  and  the  successe 
of  the  affaires  there  till  the  18  of  June,  1614,  together  with  a  rela- 
tion of  the  severall  English  townes  and  fortes,  the  assured  hopes 
of  that  countrie  and  the  peace  concluded  with  the  Indians.  The 
christening  of  Powhatan's  daughter  and  her  marriage  with  an 
Englishman.  Written  by  Raphe  Hamor  the  yonger,  late  Secre- 
tarie  in  that  Colonie." 

This  writer  does  not  enter  into  the  history  of  the  Colony  during 
Smith's  stay  with  it.  He  came  with  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  along 
with  William  Strachey,  in  16 10,  and  his  earliest  historical  allu- 
sions are  of  that  date.  He  tells  of  the  capture  of  Pocahontas,  and 
of  her  marriage  to  Rolfe,  but  he  makes  no  allusion  to  her  pre- 
vious history.  Had  he  undertaken  to  recount  her  services  and 
left  out  her  rescue  of  Smith,  it  would  have  been  evidence  against 
the  truthfulness  of  Smith's  account,  but  it  cannot  be  thought 
strange  that  he  did  not  mention  this  one  incident  of  her  previous 
life,  when  he  mentioned  no  other.  This  writer  also  declared  his 
intention  to  write  a  history  of  the  Colony  from  its  beginning, 
which  he  never  carried  out,  so  far  as  is  now  known. 

The  assailants  of  Smith  admit  that  his  statements  in  the  "  True 
Relation"  are  true.  Indeed,  they  base  their  arguments  upon  that 
assumption.  If,  however,  the  silence  of  Wingfield,  of  Strachey, 
of  the  Oxford  Tract,  of  "Purchas*  Pilgrimage,"  and  of  1  la. nor,  is 
to  be  taken   as  evidence  of  the  falsity  of  Smith's  statement  con- 


28  ADDRESS. 

cerning  his  rescue,  it  will  equally  disprove  the  many  incidents  of 
his  captivity  given  in  the  "True  Relation"  and  not  mentioned  in 
these  works. 

Let  us  now  examine  the  second  ground  of  attack,  namely,  the 
alleged  inconsistencies  between  the  "True  Relation"  and  the  sub- 
sequent publications  of  Smith. 

At  page  i6of  the  "True  Relation"  an  account  is  given  of  an  ex- 
pedition by  Smith  to  Kegquouhtan,  or  Kecoughtan  (now  Hamp- 
ton i  to  procure  corn  by  trade  with  the  Indians.  No  mention  is 
made  of  an  attack  on  the  natives.  In  the  "  General  History,"  in 
an  account  of  the  same  expedition,  at  page  45,  it  is  stated  that  he 
fired  on  the  Indians,  and  captured  their  idol,  called  "Okee."  In 
both  accounts,  it  is  stated,  that  at  first  the  Indians  treated  Smith 
and  his  companions  scornfully,  thinking  they  were  famishing 
men,  but  afterwards  brought  them  such  provisions  as  they  needed. 
The  reason  why  the  attack  was  left  out  of  the  letter  sent  to  Eng- 
land by  Smith  in  1608  is  evident  from  the  narrative  in  the  Gen- 
eral History  itself.  After  stating  the  scornful  reception  given 
Smith  by  the  Indians,  it  continues,  "  But,  seeing  by  trade  and 
courtesie  there  was  nothing  to  be  had,  he  made  bold  to  try  such 
conclusions  as  necessitie  inforced,  though  contrary  to  his  com- 
mission, let  fly  his  muskets,  ran  his  boat  on  shore,  whereat  they 
all  fled  into  the  woods,"  &c,  &c.  We  find  in  the  instructions, 
sent  with  the  Colony  by  the  London  Company,  this  direction, 
"  In  all  your  passages  you  must  have  great  care  not  to  offend  the 
naturals,  if  you  can  eschew  it."  (See  Neill's  "  Virginia  Company 
of  London,"  p.  11.) 

This  was  Smith's  first  trading  expedition,  and  in  order  to  sup- 
ply his  wants,  he  found  it  necessary  to  disobey  instructions.  We 
can  well  understand  why  he  might  not  choose  to  relate  his  dis- 
obedience to  orders  in  his  letter  to  England,  and  his  not  doing 
so  should  not  throw  even  a  suspicion  on  his  statement  subse- 
quently given  in  the  History.  There  is  an  expression  in  the  ac- 
count of  this  expedition  found  in  the  Oxford  Tract,  however, 
which  is  corroborative  of  the  statement  of  the  attack  found  in  the 
"  General  History."  The  Oxford  Tract  has  the  following  account : 
"  Being  but  6  or  7  in  company,  he  went  down  the  river  to  Ke- 
coughton,  where,  at  first,  they  scorned  him  as  a  starved  man. 
Yet  he  so  dealt  with  them,  that  the  next  day  they  loaded  his 


ADDRESS.  29 

boat  with  corne."  How  he  dealt  with  them  is  explained  in  the 
account  found  in  the  "  General  History."  It  is  apparent  that  there 
is  no  contradiction  between  Smith's  several  accounts  but  a  mere 
omission  of  the  attack  in  one  of  them,  for  which  the  publisher 
may  have  been  responsible. 

In  the  "  True  Relation  "  Smith  gives  an  account  of  his  capture, 
in  which  he  states,  that  having  carried  his  barge  up  the  Chicka- 
hominy  river  as  far  as  he  could,  he   determined  to  hire  a  canoe 
with  which  to  continue  his  explorations.     He  thereupon  carried 
the  barge  back  to  the  Indian  town,  Apocant,  and  left  it  there  with 
seven  men,  expressly  charging  them  not  to  go  ashore  until  his 
return.     He  then  took  two  of  his  own  men  and  two  Indians  as 
guides,  and  went  forward  with  the  canoe  some  twelve  miles  higher 
than  he  had  been  able  to  go  in  the  barge,  and  then  going  ashore 
with  one  of  the  Indians,  he  left  the  other  and  his  two  men,  Rob- 
inson and  Emry,  with  the  canoe.     He  had  not  gone  far  before  he 
was  attacked  by  the  Indian  chief,  Opechankanough,  with   200 
men,  by  whom  he  was  captured,  and  who  informed  him  that  the 
men  at  the  canoe  were  slain.     In  the  "  New   England  Trials," 
published  in  1622,  in  referring  to  his  capture,  Smith  says,  "  It  is 
true,  in  our  greatest  extremitie,  they  shot  me,  slew  three  of  my 
men,  and  by  the  folly  of  them  that  fled,  took   me  prisoner." 
Both,  Mr.  Deane  and  Mr.  Adams,  are  severe  in  their  criticisms 
upon  this  last  statement  of  Smith,  treating  it  as  a  slander  upon 
the  men  he  lost.     They  claim  that  it  is  inconsistent  with  the  first 
account,  and  Mr.  Adams  pronounces  it  mendacious,  and  "credit- 
able neither  to  Smith's  veracity  nor  to  his  sense  of  honor."     It 
would  have  been  more  creditable  to  these  critics  had  they  read 
carefully  the  several  accounts  given  by  Smith  of  this  matter  be- 
fore they  criticised  any  one  of  them.     The  "  True  Relation"  does 
not  say  what  became  of  the  men  left  with  the  barge  at  Apocant, 
but  the  "  General  History,"  at  p.  46,  says  of  them,  "  but  he  was  not 
long  absent,  but  his  men  went  ashore,  whose  want  of  government 
gave  both  occasion  and  opportunity  to  the  salvages  to  surprise 
George  Cassen,  whom  they  slew,  and  much  failed  not  to 
cut  '-it'  the  t>oat  and  all  the  rest  The  salvaj 

having  drawne  from  George  Cassen,  whether  Captain  Smith  was 
gone,  \>  :in^  that  opportunity,  they  followed  him  with  300 

bowmen,  conducted  by  the  King  of  Pamaunkee,  «  ho,  in  <li\  isions, 


30  ADDRESS. 

searching  the  turnings  of  the  river,  found  Robinson  and  Emry  by 
the  fire-side,  those  they  shot  full  of  arrowes  and  slew.  Then 
finding  the  Captaine,  as  is  said,"  cS:c.  It  is  plain,  from  this  nar- 
rative, that  the  "want  of  government"  of  the  men  left  with  the 
barge  resulted  in  the  capture  of  George  Cassen,  and  the  informa- 
tion olit, lined  from  him  enabled  the  Indians  to  capture  Smith. 
All  seven  of  the  men  left  with  the  barge  went  ashore,  and  as  they 
were  armed,  it  was  reasonable  for  Smith  to  have  believed  that 
had  they  stood  by  each  other  and  not  fled,  Cassen  would  not  have 
been  captured,  and  if  Cassen  had  not  been  captured,  he  himself 
would  not  have  been ;  when  he  says,  therefore,  "  by  the  folly  of 
them  that  fled,"  in  the  passage  in  the  "New  England  Trials,"  he 
means  what  he  described  in  the  "General  History"  by  the  words 
"want  of  government,"  and  this  he  ascribes  to  the  men  left  at  the 
barge  and  not  to  the  men  left  at  the  canoe.  So  far  from  charging 
the  men  at  the  canoe  with  having  fled,  he  tells  us  in  the  "  General 
History"  that  he  supposes  that  they  were  asleep  when  they  were 
killed. 

Strachey,  at  page  52  of  his  book,  gives  a  corroboration  of 
Smith's  statement,  that  Cassen  was  slain  because  of  disobedience 
to  the  order  not  to  go  ashore  till  Smith's  return.  In  relating 
the  manner  in  which  the  Indians  put  to  death  their  enemies, 
Strachey  says:  "Thus  themselves  reported  that  they  executed 
an  Englishman,  one  George  Cawson,  whom  the  women  enticed 
up  from  the  barge  unto  their  houses,  at  a  place  called  Apocant." 

The  several  accounts  given  by  Smith,  of  his  treatment  while 
a  captive,  have  been  claimed  to  be  inconsistent,  and  so  deter- 
mined has  been  the  effort  to  show  inconsistencies,  that  some  of 
the  passages  compared  have  been  made  to  suffer  torture.  The 
first  passages  so  compared  are  the  statements  of  what  occurred 
immediately  on  the  capture.  In  the  "  True  Relation  "  Smith  says : 
"  I  perceived  by  the  aboundance  of  fires  all  over  the  woods  at 
each  place  I  expected  when  they  would  execute  me,  yet  they 
used  me  with  what  kindness  they  could." 

In  the  "  General  History,"  after  describing  his  gift  to  their  King 
of  his  "  round  ivory  double  compass  Dyafl"  soon  after  his  cap- 
ture, and  their  admiration  of  it,  he  continues  as  follows :  "  Not- 
withstanding, within  an  houre  after  they  tyed  him  to  a  tree,  and 
as  many  as  could  stand  about  him  prepared  to  shoot  him,  but 


ADDRESS.  31 

the  King  holding  up  the  compass  in  his  hand,  they  all  laid 
downe  their  Bowes  and  Arrowes,  and  in  a  triumphant  manner 
led  him  to  Orapaks,  where  he  was  after  their  manner  kindly- 
feasted  and  well  used."  The  real  difference  in  these  accounts 
consists  in  the  latter  giving  the  preparation  to  kill  him,  and  his 
preservation  by  Opechankanough's  holding  up  to  view  the 
wonderful  compass.  The  kindness  of  their  treatment  otherwise 
is  stated  in  both  narratives.  When  we  remember  that  the 
"True  Relation,"  which  omits  this  incident,  has  never  been  pub- 
lished as  Smith  wrote  it,  we  cannot  conclude  that  Smith  in  that 
letter  made  no  allusion  to  it.  It  may  be  that  he  gave  it,  and 
his  editor  included  it  in  the  omitted  items. 

The  printed  text  of  the  "True  Relation"  indicates,  in  fact,  that 
something  was  omitted  from  the  manuscript  just  where  this 
incident  should  have  come  in.  The  reader  will  have  noticed 
doubtless  that  the  sentence  quoted  from  the  "True  Relation"  is 
ungrammatical  and  incoherent  as  it  stands.  If,  however,  some- 
thing was  omitted  from  the  manuscript  between  the  words 
"woods"  and  "at,"  we  can  understand  how  the  want  of  connec- 
tion in  the  sentence  was  produced. 

It  is  claimed  that  the  accounts  of  the  provisions  given  Smith, 
and  the  guard  put  over  him  the  first  night  after  his  capture,  are 
conflicting,  as  they  appear  in  the  "True  Relation,"  and  the  "  Gen- 
eral History."  Let  us  compare  them.  The  accounts  of  his  first 
night's  treatment  are  as  follows : 

In  the  True  Relation,  "  The  Captain  In    the     Genera/    History,    "  Smith 

conducting  me  to  his  lodging,  a  quar-  they  conducted  to  a  long  house,  where 

ter  of  Venison  and    some  ten  pound  thirtie  or  fortie  tall  fellowes  did  guard 

of   bread  I    had    for    supper,    what   I  him,   and    ere   long   more   bread    and 

left   was    reserved   for   me,    and   sent  Venison  was  brought   him  then  would 

with  me  to  my  lodging."  have  served  twentie  men." 

There  is  not  the  slightest  inconsistency  in  the  accounts.  A 
quarter  of  venison  and  ten  pounds  of  bread  were  more  than 
enough  to  serve  twenty  men.  The  careless  critics,  however,  have 
confounded  his  subsequent  treatment  as  detailed  in  the  "True  Re- 
lation," with  what  happened  on  the  first  night,  and  thus  have 
created  the  apparent  inconsistency  they  claim  to  have  discovered. 
After  the  passage  just  given  the  narrative  in  the  "True  Relation" 


82  ADDRESS. 

continues:  "each  morning  3  women  presented  me  three  great 
platters  of  fine  bread,  more  venison  then  ten  men  could  devour  I 
had,  my  goune,  points  and  garters,  my  compass  and  a  tablet  they 
gave  me  again,  though  8  ordinarily  guarded  me,  1  wanted  not 
what  they  could  devise  to  content  me  ;  and  still  our  longer  ac- 
quaintance increased  our  better  affection."  It  is  apparent  from 
this  that  as  they  became  better  acquainted  the  guard  was  reduced 
from  the  thirty  or  forty  of  the  first  night  to  eight  ordinarily. 
There  seems  to  have  been  but  little  reduction  in  his  provisions. 
Three  great  platters  of  bread  and  more  venison  than  ten  men 
could  devour  might  still  be  more  bread  and  venison  than  would 
have  served  twenty  men,  and  thus,  as  to  the  provisions,  there 
would  have  been  no  real  inconsistency  had  this  referred  to  the 

first  night. 

After  his  capture,  Smith  was  carried  to  several  places  by  Ope- 
chankanough,  and  at  each  found  a  house  of  the  great  Emperor, 
Powhatan.  In  the  "  True  Relation"  (p.  30)  he  says,  speaking  of 
this  Emperor  to  Opechankanough,  "to  him  I  tolde  him  I  must 
goe,  and  so  return  to  Paspehigh,"  ( the  Indian  name  for  James- 
town.) This  statement  has  been  criticised  by  Mr.  Adams.  He 
says  :  "  Only  a  few  days  after  he  (Smith)  was  taken  prisoner,  he 
represents  himself  as  giving  orders  to  Opechankanough  to  take 
him  to  Powhatan,  and  even  at  this  time  he  knew  he  was  to  be 
allowed  to  return  to  Jamestown."  This,  Mr.  Adams  thinks,  is 
inconsistent  with  Smith's  statement  in  the  "General  History," 
that  he  expected  all  the  time  of  his  imprisonment  to  be  put  to 
one  death  or  another. 

Wingfield,  in  his  Discourse,  (pp.  77-8,)  states  that  on  the  25th 
of  June  preceding  Smith's  capture,  the  Emperor  Powhatan  sent  a 
messenger  to  Jamestown,  offering  peace  and  friendship.  It  was 
natural  for  Smith,  when  the  captive  of  a  king  who  was  in  sub- 
jection to  the  Emperor,  to  ask  to  be  carried  to  Powhatan,  with 
whom  the  Colony  had  already  entered  into  articles  of  friendship, 
and  had  he  demanded  to  be  carried  to  him,  he  would  have  but 
claimed  a  right,  which,  by  boldness,  he  was  endeavoring  to  make 
his  captor  respect.  The  language  of  Smith,  however,  may  as  well 
be  considered  a  request  as  a  command. 

The  treatment  which  he  received  when  he  was  carried  before 
Powhatan  is  differently  related  in  the  "  True  Relation"  and  the 


ADDRESS. 


33 


"  General  History,"  and  this  difference  has  doubtless  given  rise 
to  the  attacks  upon  Smith's  veracity.  Let  us  compare  the  two- 
accounts  : 

From  the  True  Relation,  "  Hee  From  the  Genera/  History,  "  Having 
kindly  welcomed  me  with  good  wordes,  feasted  him  after  their  best  barbarous 
and  great  Platters  of  Sundrie  Victuals,  manner  they  could,  a  long  consultation 
assuring  me  his  friendship,  and  my  was  held,  but  the  conclusion  was,  two 
Hbertie  within  four  dayes,  hee  much  de-  great  stones  were  brought  before  Pow- 
lighted  in  Opechanconough's  relation  halan,  then  as  many  as  could  layd 
of  what  I  had  described  to  him  and  hands  on  him,  dragged  him  to  them, 
oft  examined  me  upon  the  same."  and  (hereon    laid  his  head,  and  being 

ready  with  their  clubs  to  beate  out  his 
brains,  Pocahontas,  the  King's  dearest 
daughter,  when  no  entreaty  could  pre- 
vaile,  got  his  head  in  her  armes,  and 
laid  her  owne  upon  his  to  save  him 
from  death,  whereat  the  Emperor  was 
contented  he  should  live  to  make  him 
hatchets,  and  her  bells,  beads  and 
copper." 

We  have  already  seen  that  the  omission  ot"  his  rescue  from 
the  "  True  Relation"  might  well  have  been  made  by  Smith,  or  by 
the  publisher  of  that  partially  printed  letter,  under  the  instruc- 
tion from  the  London  Company,  the  treacherous  conduct  of 
Powhatan  towards  his  prisoner  and  the  colony  being  calculated 
to  discourage  others  from  coming  to  Virginia.  An  examination, 
however,  of  the  text  of  the  "  True  Relation"  just  cited,  discloses 
.the  fact  that  the  publisher  must  have  left  out  a  part  of  what  Smith 
wrote  in  describing  his  first  interview  with  Powhatan,  at  which 
interview  his  condemnation  and  rescue  occurred.  It  is  apparent 
that  all  that  is  printed  up  to  and  including  the  word  "  dayes,". 
relates  to  what  happened  at  the  time  Smith  was  brought  before 
Powhatan,  while  the  words  which  immediately  follow,  only  sepa- 
rated by  a  comma,  namely,  "hee  much  delighted  in  Opechan- 
conough's  relation  of  what  I  had  described  to  him,  and  oft 
imined  me  upon  the  same,"  relate  to  what  happened  in  sub- 

quent  interviews,  when  some  of  the  wonders  oi  geometry  and 
astronomy,  explained  to  Opechankanough  by  Smith,  were  the 

pic  of  '  ation. 

The  text,  as  it  is,  presents  an  abrupl  transition  from  the  inter- 

3 


34  ADDRESS. 

view  of  the  first  day  to  the  interviews  of  subsequent  days,  which 
can  be  satisfactorily  explained  only  upon  the  theory  of  an  omis- 
sion by  the  publisher  of  part  of  the  occurrences  of  the  first  day, 
and  an  effort  to  conceal  the  omission  by  the  arrangement  of  the 
text  presented. 

The  "True  Relation,"  in  describing  Smith's  return  to  James- 
town, says:  "  Hee  sent  me  home  with  4  men,  one  that  usually  car- 
ried my  gowne  and  knapsack  after  me,  two  others  loaded  with 
bread  and  one  to  accompanie  me."  The  "  General  History" 
says:  "So  to  Jamestown  with  12  guides,  Powhatan  sent  him." 
These  statements  are  claimed  to  be  contradictory.  It  is  evident, 
however,  that  in  the  first  account  Smith  merely  gave  the  number 
of  men  detailed  to  wait  upon  his  person,  while  in  the  second  he 
meant  to  enumerate  the  entire  company  sent  as  guides,  probably 
a  misprint  for  guards.  That  the  men  sent  with  him  numbered 
more  than  four  is  shown  by  the  parallel  passage  in  Purchas'  Pil- 
grims (vol.  iv,  p.  1709),  which  is  given  from  the  writings  of  Anas 
Todkill,  and  is  also  found  in  the  "  Oxford  Tract."  Says  this  writer: 
"Powhatan  having  sent  with  this  Captaine  divers  of  his  men 
loaded  with  provisions,  hee  had  conditioned,  and  so  appointed 
his  trustie  messengers  to  bring  but  two  or  three  of  our  great 
ordinances,  but  the  messengers  being  satisfied  with  the  sight  of 
one  of  them  discharged,  ran  away,  amazed  with  fear."  We  are 
told  in  the  "  True  Relation"  that  Smith  had  described  to  the 
Indians  the  ordnance,  in  order  to  prevent  an  attack  on  the  fort. 
The  messengers  sent  with  his  letter  to  the  fort,  while  he  was  a 
prisoner,  had  also  seen  these  large  guns.  It  must  have  been, 
therefore,  that  the  "  divers  men"  sent  to  bring  two  or  three  of 
them  to  Powhatan  were  more  than  four. 

.  It  is  asserted  by  Mr.  Adams  and  others,  that  Smith  contradicts 
himself  by  representing  in  the  "  True  Relation"  that  the  Indians 
treated  him  with  continual  kindness,  while,  in  the  "  General  His- 
tory," he  says  he  was  all  the  time  of  his  captivity  in  continual 
dread  of  being  put  to  death.  When  we  remember  that  he  was 
the  captive  of  a  savage  people,  who  had  killed  his  companions, 
it  does  not  seem  strange  that  no  amount  of  kindness  could  allay 
his  fears.  It  does  seem  strange  that  his  critics  should  think 
otherwise,  and  should  read  so  carelessly  the  texts  they  criticise. 
The  passage  they  refer  to  in  the  "  General  History"  is  a   part 


ADDRESS.  35 

of  the  account  of  his  return  to  Jamestown,  and  is  in  these  words : 
"  That  night  they  quartered  in  the  woods,  he  still  expecting  (as 
he  had  done  all  this  long  time  of  his  imprisonment)  every  houre 
to  be  put  to  one  death  or  other  for  all  their  feasting." 

We  have  seen  that  in  the  "True  Relation,"  soon  after  his 
capture,  these  words  occur :  "  At  each  place  I  expected  when 
they  would  execute  me,  yet  they  used  me  with  what  kindnesse 
they  could."  Afterwards  it  is  related  in  this  book  that  an  Indian 
attempted  to  kill  him  while  under  guard,  and  that  one  of  the 
places  he  was  carried  to  was  called  Topahanocke,  where  it  was 
sought  to  identify  him  as  one  of  a  party  who,  some  years  pre- 
viously, had  slain  their  King,  and  captured  some  of  their  people. 
Smith  also  tells  us  in  this  book  that  their  excess  of  kindness 
aroused  his  suspicions.  He  says:  "So  fat  they  fed  mee,  that 
I  much  doubted  they  intended  to  have  sacrificed  mee  to  the 
Ouiyoughquosicke,  which  is  a  superiour  power  they  worship." 
Smith  had,  before  his  capture,  formed  a  very  correct  estimate  of 
the  treacherous  character  of  the  Indians,  and  both  accounts  that 
he  gave  of  his  captivity  show  that  his  distrust  of  them  kept  him 
in  continual  fear  of  death  at  their  hands.  The  expression  in  the 
"  History,"  "  for  all  their  feasting,"  indicates  the  kindness  shown 
him,  which  is  detailed  in  the  "  True  Relation."  And  if  we  have 
no  details  of  cruel  dispositions  recorded  in  the  "  True  Relation," 
such  as  are  recorded  in  the  "  General  History,"  we  must  remem- 
ber that  the  "  True  Relation,"  as  we  have  it,  is  a  mutilated  book, 
and  that  there  was  a  reason  for  leaving  out  of  it  such  incidents. 

It  has  been  claimed  by  both  Mr.  Adams  and  Mr.  Neill  that  the 
accounts  given  by  Smith,  of  what  happened  at  Jamestown  upon 
his  return  from  captivity,  are  inconsistent.  These  accounts  are 
as  follows : 


86  AUDKKSS. 


ut  Relation.  General  History. 

■■  Each  man  with  truest  signesof  joy         "  Now,  in  Jamestowne  they  were  alii 

they  could  expresse  welcomed  me,  ex-  in  combustion,  th<-  strongest  preparing 

cepl  Mi.  Archer,  &  some  a  or  3  of  his,  once  more  to   run   away  with  the  Pin- 

who  was  then  in  my  absence,  swome  nace;  which  with  the  hazzard  of  his 

counsellor,  though   nol  with  the  con-  life,  with  sakre  falcon  &  musket  shot, 

sent  of  Capt.  Martin     great   blame  &  Smith    forced   now  the  third  time  to 

imputation  was  laide  upon  me~e~~bythem  stay   <>r  sinke.      Some  no  better  than 

lor  the  losse  of  our  two  men  which  the  they   should   lie,  had   plotted  with  the 

Indians  slew  :  insomuch  that  they  pur-  President,  the  next   day  to    have  put 

posed  to  depose  me,  but  in  the  midst  him  to  death, by  the  Levi ticall  law, for 

of  my  miseries,  it  pleased  God  to  send  the  lives  of    Robinson  &   Emry,   pre- 

Captaine  Newport,  who  arriving  there  tending  the  fault  was  his  that  had  led 

the  same  night,  so   tripled   our   joy,  as  them    to  their   ends:    but    he   quickly 

for  awhile  these  plots  against  me  were  tooke  such  order  with    such  Lawyers, 

deferred,    though    with     much    malice  that  he  layd  them  by  the  heeles  till  he 

against   me,  which   Captain    Newport  sent  some  of  them  prisoners  for  Eng- 

in  short  time  did  plainly  see."  land." 

The  statements,  that  upon  his  return  Smith  prevented  the 
running  off  with  the  pinnace,  and  caused  the  persons  who  had 
plotted  his  death  to  be  arrested,  and  some  of  them  to  be  sent  to 
England,  are  those  found  in  the  "  General  History,"  which  are 
claimed  to  be  inconsistent  with  the  narrative  in  the  "True  Rela- 
tion." It  will  be  seen  that  while  they  are  additional  to  the  first 
narrative,  they  are  in  nowise  contradictory  of  it.  That  they  are 
true  we  have  the  testimony  of  Anas  Todkill,  then  with  the  Col- 
ony, who  is  cited  by  Purchas  in  his  "  Pilgrims,"  as  recording  that 
Smith,  on  his  return,  "once  more  staied  the  Pinnace  her  flight  for 
England,"  and  that  Wingfield  and  Archer  were  carried  to  Eng- 
land by  Newport  on  his  return.  Wingfield  states  also  that 
Archer  would  have  been  hung,  had  not  Newport  advised  against  it. 

Some  of  our  critics  have  fancied  that  they  have  fixed  a  false- 
hood on  Smith  in  his  account  of  his  first  landing  on  the  island  of 
Mevis,  related  in  the  continuation  of  his  "  General  History,"  and 
found  in  the  second  part  of  the  Richmond  edition  of  1819,  chap- 
ter 26.  Smith  says :  "  In  this  little  (ile)  of  Mevis,  more  than 
twenty  years  agoe,  I  have  remained  a  good  time  together,  to 
wod  and  water  and  refresh  my  men."  This  was  published  in 
1629,  and  refers  to  the  touching  at  that  island  of  the  colony 
under  Captain  Newport  on  its  way  to  Virginia  in  1607.  Our 
critics  construe  Smith's  language  to  mean  that  he,  and  not  New- 


ADDRESS.  37 

port,  was  in  command  of  the  expedition  when  they  touched  at 
Mevis.  An  examination  of  the  context  demonstrates  that  Smith 
meant  to  convey  no  such  idea. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  continuation,  and  afterwards  in  this 
very  chapter,  Smith  refers  the  reader  for  particulars  as  to  the 
planting  of  the  colony  at  Jamestown  to  the  "  General  History." 
This  book  states  the  fact  that  Newport  commanded  the  expe- 
dition ;  and  the  further  fact  that  when  they  touched  at  the  island 
of  Mevis,  Smith  was  a  prisoner  under  the  charge  of  plotting  a 
mutiny.  This  last  is  referred  to  by  Smith  in  this  chapter  in  these 
words  :  "  Such  factions  here  we  had  as  commonly  attend  such 
voyages,  that  a  paire  of  gallowes  was  made,  but  Capt.  Smith, 
for  whom  they  were  intended,  could  not  be  perswaded  to  use 
them."  Had  Smith  intended  to  deceive,  he  would  not  have 
referred  the  reader  to  another  volume,  of  which  he  was  then 
writing  a  continuation,  in  which  he  had  made  a  different  state- 
ment. But  any  one  familiar  with  the  history  of  the  colonization 
of  Virginia  will  readily  understand  the  expression,  "  my  men," 
as  used  by  Smith.  The  orders  for  the  expedition,  as  published 
by  Neill,  show  that  soldiers  under  officers  were  a  part  of  the 
colony  ;  and  Percy,  in  his  narrative  printed  by  Purchas  in  volume 
iv.  of  his  "  Pilgrims,"  tells  us  that  while  on  this  island  they  "kept 
centinels  and  Courts  de  gard  at  every  captaine's  quarter,"  fear- 
ing an  assault  from  the  Indians.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
Smith  was  one  of  the  captains,  not  only  from  his  previous  mili- 
tary training  and  rank,  but  from  the  fact  that  we  find  among 
the  verses  addressed  to  him  on  the  publication  of  his  "  General 
History,"  some  by  soldiers,  who  state  that  he  was  their  Captain 
in  Virginia.  It  should  be  remembered  also  that  Smith  was  active 
in  getting  up  the  colony  in  England,  and,  upon  their  landing  in 
Virginia,  was  soon  looked  upon  as  their  leader.  The  "Oxford 
Tract "  tells  us  that  he  saved  the  colony  from  starvation  by  the 
provisions  he  got  from  the  Indians,  and  from  extermination  by 
the  control  he  acquired  over  the  Indian   princes,   and  that  he 

plored  the  country,  built  Jamestown,  and  prevented  the  colony 
from  abandoning  it.  In  fact,  that  he  was  the  nil  founder  of  Vir- 
ginia.*    It  was  not  improper,  therefore,  that  he  should  claim  that 


*  It  has  been  claimed  that  Lord  Delaware  was  the  real  rounder  "I   Virginia, 
because  he  prevented  its  abandonment  in  1610,  and  by  his  wise  administration 


14  71 : 


38  ADDRESS. 

honor,  as  he  does  in  the  conclusion  of  this  chapter  upon  the  isle 
of  Mevis.  He  says:  "Now  to  conclude  the  travels  and  adven- 
tures of  Captaine  Smith,  how  he  planted  Virginia,  *  *  *  you 
may  read  at  large  in  his  generall  history  of  Virginia,  the  Sum- 
mer lies  and  New  England." 

But  we  need  not  pursue  this  charge  of  inconsistencies  further, 
as  time  would  fail  us  to  notice  every  inconsistency  charged  by 
the  numerous  and  often  ill-informed  assailants  of  Smith.  Those 
not  noticed  are  even  more  easily  disposed  of  than  those  we  have 
already  exposed. 

The  bitterest  of  all  of  these  assailants  is  the  Rev.  E.  D.  Neill, 
who  has  written  a  history  of  the  London  Company.  When  King 
James  determined  to  take  away  the  charter  of  the  London 
Company,  in  1624,  an  attempt  was  made  by  its  enemies  to 
obtain  its  records.  Thereupon  the  minutes  were  copied  for  the 
Earl  of  Southampton,  the  President,  and  this  copy  was  after- 
wards bought  by  Colonel  William  Byrd,  of  Virginia,  and  was 
used  by  the  historian  Stith.  Subsequently  it  came  into  the  pos- 
session of  Thomas  Jefferson,  and  was  purchased  with  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son's library  by  Congress.  These  minutes  only  commence  on 
the  28th  of  April,  161 9.  In  the  Congressional  Library  there  are 
in  addition  two  manuscript  volumes,  one  containing  letters  of  the 
Company  and  the  colony,  with  other  papers,  from  162 1  to  1625, 
and  the  other  containing  some  copies  of  early  colonial  papers. 
These  valuable  manuscripts  were  used  by  Mr.  Neill  in  the  prepa- 
ration of  his  book.  He  says  at  page  v.  of  his  preface,  "  On  the 
15th  of  July  (1624),  the  King  ordered  all  their  [the  Company's] 
papers  to  be  given  to  a  commission,  which  afterwards  met 
weekly  at  the  house  of  Sir  Thomas  Smith  [the  former  treas- 
urer of  the  Company].  The  entries  in  the  minutes  were  dam- 
aging to  Smith  and  others  of  the  commission,  and  it  is  presumed 
that  no  great  effort  was  made  to  preserve  the  originals.     Re- 


put  the  colony  on  a  firm  footing. 

Lord  Delaware  should  have  all  honor  for  what  he  did  for  the  colony,  but 
before  his  arrival  Smith  had  three  times  prevented  its  abandonment,  had  pre- 
served it  from  starvation  and  destruction  for  nearly  three  years,  and  had  left  it, 
on  a  change  of  administration,  in  a  condition  to  take  care  of  itself  with  proper 
management.  When  a  man  goes  out  with  a  colony  and  accomplishes  this  much,, 
he  may  be  well  called  its  founder. 


ADDRESS.  39 

peated  searches  have  been  made  for  them  in  England,  but  they 
have  not  been  discovered." 

At  page  211  of  his  book,  in  a  note,  he  says:  "Captain  Smith's 
'General  History' was  published  after  the  Quo  Warranto  was 
issued  against  the  Virginia  Company,  and  it  is  evident  that  he 
wrote  in  the  interest  of  their  opponents.  There  is  no  evidence 
beyond  his  statement,  that  the  letters  which  he  publishes  as  writ- 
ten to  the  Company  were  ever  received  by  them." 

Smith's  "General  History"  was  published  in  1624,  the  year 
the  Company's  charter  was  taken  from  it,  and  when  most  of 
the  members  of  the  Company  from  its  foundation  were  alive  ;  and 
yet  Mr.  Neill  would  create  the  impression  that  Smith  forged  the 
letters  to  the  Company  which  he  published,  when  there  were 
hundreds  alive  who  would  have  exposed  the  forgery.  The 
first  letter  given  in  the  "  General  History"  is  found  at  page  200 
(Richmond  edition),  and  was  in  reply  to  a  letter  sent  to  the  presi- 
dent and  Council  by  the  London  Company,  upon  the  return  of 
Captain  Newport  in  the  fall  of  1608.  Smith  had  been  made  presi- 
dent in  September  of  that  year.  The  "Oxford  Tract "  tells  us,  "  by 
the  election  of  the  Councell  &  the  request  of  the  company,  Cap- 
taine  Smith  received  the  Letters  Patents,  which  till  then  by  no 
meanes  he  would  accept,  though  he  was  often  importuned  there- 
unto." It  thus  became  his  duty  to  answer  the  communication 
from  the  London  Company. 

The  second  letter  is  found  at  page  79  of  the  second  part  of 
the  same  edition.  On  the  22d  March,  1622,  there  was  a  ter- 
rible massacre  of  the  colonists  by  the  Indians.  Smith,  who 
was  then  in  London,  relates  that  he  "  did  intreat  &  move  them  to 
put  in  practice  his  old  offer,  seeing  now  it  was  time  to  use  both  it 
&  him  ;"  and  then  follows  the  letter.  The  offer,  which  was  to 
return  to  Virginia,  was  probably  made  before  16 14,  when  he 
commenced  exploring  New  England.  Now,  until  we  know  that 
there  is  a  complete  collection  of  the  company's  letters  preserved, 
nothing  can  be  concluded  against  Smith,  because  his  letters  are 
not  found  among  the  records.  Of  course  no  letters  before  1621 
could  be  found,  as  the  collection  commences  during  that  year; 
and  as  we  learn  from  Mr.  Neill's  book  that  many  <>t  the  papers 
were  destroyed,  and  especially  those  which  might  be  damaging 
to  Sir  Thomas  Smith  and  others  having  possession  of  them 
under  the  King's  commission,  and  as  we  find  Captain   Smith's 


40  ADDRESS. 

letters  reflect  upon  the  government  of  the  colony  under  Sir 
Thomas  Smith  and  his  successor,  we  need  not  be  surprised  that 
Mr.  Neill  has  not  found  them  in  the  collection  now  extant. 

Mr.  .Will  attempts  to  produce  the  impression  that  Smith,  if 
wounded  at  all  in  1(109,  did  not  have  the  colony  upon  that 
account,  and  because  there  was  no  surgeon  there  to  treat  him,  as 
he  states  in  the  "  History,"  but  that  he  left  because  he  was 
arrested  upon  charges  and  sent  to  England.  It  so  happens 
that  the  fact  of  his  being  severely  wounded  by  an  accidental 
explosion  of  gunpowder,  and  the  further  fact  that  the  lack  of  a 
surgeon  determined  him  to  sail  for  England  in  a  ship  preparing 
to  leave  Jamestown,  are  both  related  in  the  "Oxford  Tract,"  and 
that  Smith  copies  the  passages  into  his  "  General  History."  The 
"Oxford  Tract"  relates  also  how  charges  against  him,  of  the  most 
frivolous  nature,  were  gotten  up  by  his  enemies  after  he  had 
determined  to  return. 

It  appears  by  the  published  list  of  original  subscribers  to  the 
London  Company  that  Captain  Smith  only  subscribed  nine 
pounds,  and  as  in  asking  remuneration  afterwards  of  the  Com- 
pany, he  claimed  to  have  spent  upon  Virginia  "  a  verie  great 
matter,"  Mr.  Neill  concludes  that  in  this  he  was  false.  In  his 
haste  to  condemn  Smith  he  has  not  taken  time  to  read  him.  At 
page  102,  of  the  second  part  of  the  "  General  History  "  (Rich- 
mond edition),  Smith  states  that  he  spent  "more  than  five  hun- 
dred pounds  in  procuring  the  Letters  Patents  and  setting  for- 
ward." His  claim  for  special  remuneration  was  not  because  of 
his  subscription  to  the  capital  stock  of  the  Company,  as  every 
member  would  have  had  the  same  ground  of  claim,  but  because 
of  what  he  had  expended  and  accomplished  in  addition,  as  his 
petition  for  reward,  found  in  Mr.  Neill's  book,  at  page  214,  plainly 
shows.  That  the  committee  to  which  his  petition  was  referred 
allowed  it,  may  be  fairly  inferred  from  a  speech  of  Smith  before 
the  Company,  reported  by  Mr.  Neill  at  page  386.* 

*  On  the  4th  of  February,  1623,  Captain  Smith,  in  a  discussion  concerning 
the  salaries  of  officers,  is  reported  to  have  said :  "  That  havinge  spent  upon 
Virginia  a  verie  great  matter,  he  did,  by  God's  blessinge,  hope  to  receave  this 
yeare  a  good  quantity  of  Tobacco,  which  he  would  not  willingly  have  come 
under  the  hands  of  them  that  would  performe  the  buissiness  for  love,  and  not 
upon  a  good  and  competent  salary."  The  same  author  shows  that  the  Com- 
pany owned  much  of  the   tobacco   shipt  from  the  colony,  and   Smith's  expec- 


ADDRESS.  41 

Another  intimation  made  by  this  writer  is,  that  as  the  records 
do  not  show  that  Smith's  offer  to  the  company  to  write  a  history 
of  Virginia  was  accepted,  his  statement  in  the  book  that  he  wrote 
it  at  the  instance  of  the  Company,  is  false.  Mr.  Neill  has  given 
us  at  page  210  the  offer  made  April  12,  1621,  which  shows  on  its 
face  that  it  was  made  upon  the  request  of  some  of  the  members. 
What  was  the  action  of  the  committee  to  whom  it  was  referred, 
we  know  not,  so  far  as  Mr.  Neill's  extracts  from  the  records  go, 
but  as  only  a  few  of  the  papers  of  the  Company  have  been  pre- 
served, nothing  can  be  concluded  from  the  absence  of  the  com- 
mittee's report,  and  it  would  seem  unreasonable  to  discredit 
Smith's  published  statement  in  regard  to  the  matter,  made  when 
so  many  witnesses  were  alive 

Without  pursuing  further  the  details  of  Mr.  Neill's  attack  upon 
Smith,  it  will  be  sufficient  to  expose  the  character  of  his  book  for 
us  to  notice  the  authority  he  has  followed  in  its  preparation,  and 
the  manner  in  which  he  has  followed  it.  At  page  16,  in  a  note, 
he  says :  "  For  the  facts  relative  to  the  early  days  of  the  Colony, 
I  am  indebted  to  Wingfield's  '  Discourse  of  Virginia,'  edited  by 
Deane,  and  Capt.  Newport's  '  Relation,'  first  printed  from  manu- 
scripts in  vol.  iv,  Am.  Ant.  Soc.  Coll."  The  "  Relation  "  of  Captain 
Newport's  discoveries  in  Virginia  ended  with  his  return  to  Eng- 
land, June  22,  1607  and  Wingfield's  "Discourse"  takes  up  the 
narrative  on  that  day.  There  is  nothing  derogatory  to  Smith  in 
the  first.  On  the  contrary,  it  shows  that  Newport  selected  him 
as  one  of  the  persons  to  accompany  him  in  exploring  the  James 
river,  and  on  his  return  had  him  sworn  one  of  the  Council.  In  fol- 
lowing the  narrative  of  Wingfield,  however,  Mr.  Neill  has  shown 
himself  unworthy  of  confidence  as  a  historian.  The  "  Oxford 
Tract"  is  entitled  to  the  highest  credit  as  a  record  of  the  early  his- 
tory of  the  Colony.  The  Rev.  Wm.  Symonds,  a  minister  of  high 
character  and  considerable  learning,  compared  it  with  the  wri- 
tings from  which  it  was  compiled.  He  then  sent  it  to  Captain 
Smith  with  a  note,  printed  at  the  end  of  the  volume,  in  these 
words  : 


tation  could  only  have  been  founded  on  the  allowance  of  his  claim  l»y  the  com- 
mittee. The  Company,  however,  was  in  difficulties,  and  its  charter  was  taken 
fn.rn  it  daring  the  next  year,  and  before  Smith  received  any  reward  for  his 
expenditures  and  sacrifices. 


42  ADDRESS. 

/ 

"Captainc  Smith,  I  returne  you  the  fruit  of  my  labours,  as- 
Mr.  Crashaw  requested  mc,  which  I  bestowed  in  reading  the  dis- 
courses  >N:  hearing  the  relations  of  such  which  have  walked 
and  observed  the  land  of  Virginia  with  you.  The  paines  I  tooke 
was  great :  yet  did  the  nature  of  the  argument,  and  hopes  I  con- 
ceaved  of  the  expedition,  give  me  exceeding  content.  I  cannot 
iinde  there  is  anything  but  what  they  all  afrirme,  or  cannot  contra- 
dict :  the  land  is  good;  as  there  is  no  cities,  so  no  sonnes  of 
Anak :  al  is  open  for  labor  of  a  good  and  wise  inhabitant :  and 
my  ] nayer  shall  ever  be,  that  so  faire  a  land  may  be  inhabited  by 
those  that  professe  and  love  the  Gospell." 

In  this  book  we  have  the  following  account  of  Wingfield's 
administration,  commencing  with  the  departure  of  Newport : 

"  Being  thus  left  to  our  fortunes,  it  fortuned  that  within  tenne 
daies  scarse  ten  amongst  us  coulde  either  goe,  or  well  stand, 
such  weaknes  and  sicknes  oppressed  us.  *  *  *  * 
Had  we  beene  as  free  from  all  sinnes  as  gluttony  and  drunken- 
nes,  we  might  have  bin  canonized  for  saints;  But  our  Presi- 
dent would  never  have  ben  admitted,  for  ingrossing  to  his  private 
(use)  otemeale.  sacke,  oile,  acquavite,  beefe,  egs,  or  what  not,  but 
the  kettel ;  that  indeede  he  allowed  equally  to  be  distributed,  and 
that  was  halfe  a  pinte  of  wheat  and  as  much  barly  boyled  with 
water  for  a  man  a  day,  and  this  having  fryed  some  26  weeks  in 
the  Ship's  hold,  contained  as  many  worms  as  graines;  so  that 
we  might  truly  call  it  rather  so  much  bran  thancorne:  our  drinke 
was  water,  our  lodgings  castles  in  the  aire.  With  this  lodging 
and  diet,  our  extreame  toile  in  bearing  and  planting  pallisadoes, 
so  strained  and  bruised  us,  and  our  continuall  labour  in  the 
extremitie  of  the  heate  had  so  weakened  us,  as  were  cause  suffi- 
cient to  have  made  us  miserable  in  our  native  country,  or  any 
other  place  in  the  world.  From  May  to  September,  those  that 
escaped  lived  upon  sturgeon  and  sea-crabs,  50  in  this  time  we 
buried.  The  rest  seeing  the  President's  proiects  to  escape  these 
miseries  in  our  Pinnace  by  flight  (who  all  this  time  had  neither 
felt  want  nor  sickness)  so  moved  our  dead  spirits,  as  we  deposed 
him  ;  and  established  Ratcliffe  in  his  place." 

George  Percy,  in  the  fragment  of  his  narrative  preserved  by 
Purchas,  relates  that,  "there  was  certaine  Articles  laid  against 
Master  Wingfield,  which  was  then  President,  thereupon  he  was 


ADDRESS.  43 

not  only  displaced  out  of  his  Presidentship,  but  also  from  being 
of  the  Councell." 

Wingfield,  in  his  defence  of  himself,  does  not  deny  the  charge 
of  attempting  to  make  his  escape  in  the  pinnace  while  he  was 
president,  although  he  denies  the  charge  of  feasting  while  the 
others  were  starving,  and  attempts  to  justify  his  administration  at 
the  expense  of  the   rest  of  the  colony.     Purchas  had  before  him, 
and  cited  the  "Oxford   Tract"  and  Wingfield's  "Discourse"  in 
preparing  his  books,  and  he  knew  personally  no  doubt  the  writers 
of  both  works,  as  he  took  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  London  Com- 
pany.    With  this  great  advantage  he  follows  the  "  Oxford  Tract," 
and  condemns  Wingfield's  administration.     Mr.  Neill,  however, 
with  nothing  like  the  advantages  of  Purchas,  follows  Wingfield, 
and  discredits  the  other  colonists.     This  might  be  attributed  to 
want  of  sound  judgment  alone  had  he  faithfully  followed  him  ;  but 
what  condemnation  is  too  severe  for  one  who  omits  from  his  cita- 
tions of  the  author  he  professes  to  follow,  facts  tending  to  justiiy 
a  good  opinion  of  the  persons  that  author  was  attacking,     This 
is  what  Mr.  Neill  has  done.     At  page  15  he  says:  "Dissensions 
arose  during  the  voyage,  and  on  the   12th   of  February  John 
Smith   was  suspected  of  mutiny."     On  page   21,  quoting  from 
Wingfield  the  grounds  of  hostility  towards  him,  he  says:  "Mr. 
Smyth's  quarrel,  because  his  name  was  mentioned  in  the  intended 
and  confessed  mutiny  by  Galthropp."     Mr.  Neill  makes  no  other 
allusion  to  this  charge  against  Smith,  but  leaves  his  readers  under 
the  impression  that  it  was  true,  or  at  least  was  never  disproved. 
Now  Wingfield,  in  the  very  book  relied  on  by  Mr.  Neill,  states 
enough   to  show  that  Smith  was  innocent  of  the  charge.     He 
says:  "  The  17th  daie  of  September  I  was  sent  for  to  the  court 
to  answer  a  complaint  exhibited  against  me  by  Jehu   Robinson; 
for  that,  when  I  was  president,  I   did  saie,  hee,  with  others,  had 
consented  to  run  awaye  with  the  Shallop  to  Newfoundland.     At 
another  tyme  I  must  ansvvere  Mr.  Smyth,  for  that  I  had  said  hee 
did   conceal  an   intended  mutany.     I  tould  Mr.  Recorder  those 
words  would  beare  no  actions:  that  one  of  the  causes  was  done 
without  the  lymits  mentioned  in  the  Patent  grauntcd  to  us.  * 
The  jury  gave  one  of  them    100,   &    the   other    two   hundred 
pound  claim-'  3   for  slaunder."     This  passage   shows    that    the 
charge  against  Smith  was  made  by  Wingfield  during  tin-  voyage, 
and  was   investigated    in    an    action  for  slander,  to  which  action 


44  ADDRESS. 

Wingfield's  plea  was  that  the  slanderous  words  were  spoken 
outsiide  of  the  jurisdiction  conferred  by  their  patent,  and  that  the 
jury  convicted  him  of  the  slander,  and  fined  him  two  hundred 

pounds. 

Mr.  Neill  has  not  been  content,  however,  to  omit  statements  of 
fact  as  to  Smith  alone.  He  has  treated  all  of  Wingfield's  oppo- 
nents in  the  same  way.  On  page  19  he  thus  relates  the  deposing 
of  Wingfield:  "At  length  a  plot  was  formed  by  Ratcliffe,  Smith, 
and  Martin,  to  depose  Wingfield  and  form  a  triumvirate.  On 
the  eleventh  of  September  they  brought  him  before  them,  Rat- 
cliffe acting  as  president,  and  preferred  the  following  frivolous 
charges :  Ratcliffe  charged  that  he  had  refused  him  a  penny 
whitle,  a  chicken,  a  spoonful  of  beer,  &  given  him  bad  corn  ; 
Smith  alleged  that  he  had  told  him  he  lied  :  Martin  complained 
that  he  had  been  called  indolent.  After  this  he  was  placed  on 
board  of  the  pinnace  in  the  river,  and  kept  as  a  prisoner."  The 
charges  here  given  by  Mr.  Neill,  and  he  gives  no  others,  seem  to 
have  been  verbal  complaints  against  Wingfield,  but  not  the 
charges  upon  which  he  was  deposed.  After  mentioning  these 
complaints,  Wingfield  says,  "  I  asked  Mr.  President  if  I  should 
answere  theis  compl'ts,  and  whether  he  had  ought  els  to  charge 
me  with  all,  with  that  he  pulled  out  a  paper  booke  loaded  full 
with  artycles  against  me,  and  give  them  Mr.  Archer  to  reade." 
None  of  these  written  charges  are  given  by  Wingfield,  but  he 
relates  how  he  cut  short  their  reading  by  appealing  to  the  King. 
He  adds :  "  Then  Mr.  Archer  pulled  out  of  his  bosome  another 
paper  book  full  of  artycles  against  me,  desiring  that  he  might 
reade  them  in  the  name  of  the  Collony."  He  fails  also  to  give 
these  articles,  but  says  of  them,  "I  have  forgotten  the  most  of  the 
artycles,  they  were  so  slight."  Wingfield,  while  not  giving  the 
charges  in  detail,  however,  is  evidently  endeavoring  to  defend 
himself  from  them  in  his  book,  and  we  gather  from  the  defence 
that  they  were,  as  stated  in  the  "  Oxford  Tract,"  and  not  as 
given  by  Mr.  Neill. 

In  order  to  strengthen  his  attack  upon  Smith,  Mr.  Neill  brings 
to  his  aid  the  Rev.  Thomas  Fuller,  who,  in  his  "Worthies  of 
England,"  gave  a  short  sketch  of  Smith,  in  which  this  sentence 
is  found :  "  From  the  Turks  in  Europe  he  passed  to  the  pagans 
in  America,  where  such  his  perils,  preservations,  dangers,  deliv- 
erances, they  seem  to  most  men  above  belief,  to  some  beyond 


ADDRESS.  45 

truth.  Vet  we  have  two  witnesses  to  attest  them — the  prose  and 
the  pictures — both  in  his  book,  and  it  soundeth  much  to  the 
diminution  of  his  deeds,  that  he  alone  is  the  herald  to  publish 
and  proclaim  them." 

This  description  is  witty,  but  false,  and  thus  very  character- 
istic of  this  writer.  Fuller  was  noted  for  his  want  of  accu- 
racy, and  especially  was  it  shown  in  his  "  Worthies."  The 
material  was  collected  during  the  civil  war,  and  the  book 
published  in  1662,  after  the  author's  death.  One  of  the  most 
learned  men  of  that  century  was  William  Nicholson,  Bishop 
of  Carlisle,  who  published  a  "  History  of  Libraries"  in  1696. 
In  it  he  says  of  Fuller's  "Worthies,"  "It  was  huddled  up  in 
haste  for  the  procurement  of  some  moderate  profit  to  the 
author,  though  he  did  not  live  to  see  it  published.  It  corrects 
many  mistakes  in  his  Ecclesiastical  Story,  but  makes  more  new 
ones  in   their  stead.  *     His  chief  author  is  Bale  for  the 

lives  of  his  eminent  writers,  and  those  of  his  greatest  heroes  are 
commonly  misshapen  scraps,  mixed  with  tattle  and  lies."  Alex- 
ander Chalmers  in  his  Biographical  Dictionary,  considers  this 
censure  too  great,  but  admits  Fuller's  inaccuracies,  and  speaks  of 
his  "  wit,  which  he  could  not  suppress  in  his  most  serious  compo- 
sitions." 

The  Rev.  James  Granger  published  a  Biographical  History  of 
England  in  1769.  Chalmers  testifies  to  its  critical  accuracy. 
The  author  describes  Fuller  thus,  "  He  was  unhappy  in  having  a 
vein  of  wit,  as  he  has  taken  uncommon  pains  to  write  up  to  the 
bad  taste  of  his  age,  which  was  much  fonder  of  conceit  than  sen- 
timent." 

We  need  not  be  surprised,  therefore,  at  finding  that  Fuller 
sacrificed  truth  to  wit  in  his  sketch  of  Smith.  That  he  has  done 
so  is  apparent  to  any  reader  of  the  "Oxford  Tract,"  which  was 
compiled  from  the  writings  of  eye-witnesses,  and  contains  nearly 
every  incident  of  Smith's  life  in  Virginia. 

The  latest  attack  upon  Smith  is  contained  in  a  volume  written 
by  Charles  Dudley  Warner,  Esq.,  and  published  during  the  year 
1881,  by  Henry  Holt  &  Company,  of  New  York.  We  Learn 
from  the  preface  that  tin-  author  was  engaged  to  treal  of  his 
Bubject  "with  some  familiarity  and  disregard  of  historic  gravity." 
Accordingly  we  find   the  book  is  a  labored   effort    i«>  ridicule 


46  ADDRESS. 

Smith,  and  the  author  has  succeeded   in  making  a  caricature  of 
him. 

But  a  single  example  need  be  given  to  show  how  utterly  unre- 
liable his  picture  of  Smith  is.  At  page  116,  in  quoting  from  the 
"General  History"  the  account  of  the  capture  of  Smith  in  the 
Chickahominy  swamp  by  the  Indians,  the  following  is  given: 
"Then  finding  the  Captaine,  as  is  said,  that  used  the  salvage  that 
was  his  guide  as  his  shield  (three  of  them  being  slain  and  divers 
others  so  gauld),  all  the  rest  would  not  come  neere  him.  Think- 
ing thus  to  have  returned  to  his  boat,  regarding  them  as  he 
marched,  more  than  his  way,  slipped  up  to  the  middle  in  an 
oosie  creek,  and  his  salvage  with  him,  yet  durst  they  not  come 
to  him  till  being  neere  dead  with  cold,  he  threw  away  his  arms. 
Then  according  to  their  composition  they  drew  him  forth  and 
led  him  to  the  fire  where  his  men  were  slaine.  Diligently  they 
chafed  his  benumbed  limbs.  He  demanding  for  their  Captaine, 
they  shewed  him  Opcchankanoagh,  King  of  Pamaunkee,  to 
whom  he  gave  a  round  Ivory  double  compass  Dyall.  Much 
they  marvailed  at  the  playing  of  the  Fly  and  Needle,  which  they 
could  see  so  plainly  and  yet  not  touch  it  because  of  the  glass 
that  covered  them.  But  when  he  demonstrated  by  that  Globe- 
like Jewell,  the  roundnesse  of  the  earth  and  skies,  the  spheare  of 
Sunne,  Moone,  and  Starres  and  how  the  Sunne  did  chase  the 
night  round  about  the  world  continually  :  the  greatnesse  of  the 
Land  and  Sea,  the  diversitie  of  nations,  varietie  of  complexions, 
and  how  we  were  to  them  Antipodes,  and  many  other  such  like 
matters,  they  all  stood  amazed  with  admiration." 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  that  Smith  was  using  an  Indian  as  a 
guide  when  he  was  captured.  Of  course  he  had  learnt  to  con 
verse  with  him.  He  had  been  in  Virginia  at  that  time  nearly  two 
years,  and  had  been  constantly  mixing  with  the  Indians  and 
learning  their  language.  In  the  "  True  Relation,"  quoted  by  the 
author  at  page  104,  Smith  states  explicitly  that  he  and  his  guide 
were  "  discoursing"  when  he  was  attacked.  The  reader  will 
notice  that  the  Indians  had  taken  him  out  of  the  swamp  and  car- 
ried him  to  the  fire  he  had  left  at  his  canoe,  before  he  presented 
the  compass  to  their  chief  and  entered  into  conversation  con- 
cerning it.  Bearing  this  in  mind,  let  us  read  Mr.  Warner's  com- 
ment on  this  passage.  At  pages  122-3  he  writes :  "We  should 
like  to  think  original  in  the  above  the  fine  passage,  in  which 


ADDRESS.  47 

Smith,  by  means  of  a  simple  compass  dial,  demonstrated  the 
roundness  of  the  earth  and  skies,  the  sphere  of  the  sun,  moon 
and  stars,  and  how  the  sun  did  chase  the  night  round  about  the 
world  continually ;  the  greatness  of  the  land  and  sea,  the  diver- 
sity of  nations,  variety  of  complexions,  and  how  we  were  to  them 
antipodes,  so  that  the  Indians  stood  amazed  with  admiration. 
Captain  Smith  up  to  his  middle  in  a  Chickahominy  Swamp,  dis- 
coursing on  these  high  themes  to  a  Pamunky  Indian,  of  whose 
language  Smith  was  wholly  ignorant,  and  who  did  not  under- 
stand a  word  of  English,  is  much  more  heroic,  considering  the 
adverse  circumstances,  and  appeals  more  to  the  imagination  than 
the  long-haired  Iopas  singing  the  song  of  Atlas  at  the  banquet 
given  to  yEneas  when  Trojans  and  Tyrians  drained  the  flowing 
bumpers,  while  Dido  drank  long  draughts  of  love.  Did  Smith, 
when  he  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Carthage,  pick  up  some 
such  literal  translations  of  the  song  of  Atlas  as  this  : 

"  He  sang  the  wandering  moon,  and  the  labors  of  the  Sun, 
From  whence  the  race  of  men  and  flocks,  whence  rain  and  lightning, 
Of  Arcturus,  the  rainy  Hyades,  and  the  twin  Triones  ; 
Why  the  winter  suns  hasten  so  much  to  touch  themselves  in  the  ocean, 
And  what  delay  retards  the  slow  nights." 

The  misrepresentation  contained  in  the  statement,  that  Smith 
described  himself  as  discoursing  on  these  high  themes  while  up 
to  his  middle  in  a  swamp,  with  an  Indian  who  could  not  under- 
stand a  word  of  the  language  he  used,  is  unpardonable.  Equally 
groundless  is  the  insinuation  that  the  discourse  never  occurred, 
but  was  made  up  long  afterwards  from  Smith's  recollection  of  a 
passage  in  Virgil's  .Hneid.  The  same  discourse  is  related  in  the 
"True  Relation,"  written  by  Smith  directly  after  his  return  from 
captivity,  and  claimed  by  Mr.  Deane  and  others  attacking  Smith, 
to  be  the  true  account  of  the  incidents  of  his  captivity.  If  we  are 
to  look  for  the  sources  from  whence  he  got  his  ideas  thus  con- 
veyed, or  pretended  to  be  conveyed  to  the  Indian  chief,  one 
would  think  that  his  lessons  at  school  and  his  experience  on  land 
and  sea  were  sufficient,  without  making  him  use  a  Latin  poet, 
whom,  in  all  probability,  he  never  read,  as  he  left  school  at  an 
early  age. 

kinplea  of  such  strained  efforts  to   ridicule  Smith    might  be 
multiplied  and  taken  from  every  p;ut  of  the  volume,  but  we  need 


48  ADDRESS. 

not  stop  to  expose  them,  as  every  reader  will  readily  detect  them. 
Mr.  Warner  has  been  constrained,  however,  to  accord  to  Smith 
great  merit  for  his  accurate  descriptions  of  Virginia  and  its  in- 
habitants, and  for  his  profound  views  and  eminent  services  in  re- 
gard to  the  colonization  of  North  America.  He  represents  him 
as  admirable  in  many  trails  of  character,  yet  false  in  what  he  says 
of  himself.  We  think  as  he  is  sustained  by  others  in  matters  of 
which  they  were  cognisant,  the  conclusion  is  a  safe  one  that  he 
is  truthful  in  those  matters  which  rest  on  his  own  testimony  alone. 

But  we  need  not  pursue  this  branch  of  our  subject  further. 
The  grounds  of  attack  upon  Smith,  which  have  not  been  noticed, 
will  be  found  even  more  conspicuously  false  than  those  we  have 
been  discussing. 

Turning  now  to  the  direct  evidence  of  the  truthfulness  of 
Smith  as  a  writer,  we  shall  find  it  ample  and  conclusive.  We 
have  seen  that  his  "  General  History"  of  Virginia  was  first  pub- 
lished in  1624.  In  1629  he  published,  along  with  another 
edition,  "The  True  Travels,  Adventures  and  Observations  of 
Captaine  John  Smith  in  Europe,  Asia,  Africke  &  America,"  and 
dedicated  it  to  "  William,  Earle  of  Pembroke,  Lord  Steward  of 
his  Majesties  most  Honorable  Household,  Robert,  Earle  of 
Lindsay,  great  Chamberlain  of  England,  and  Henrie,  Lord 
Hunsdon,  Viscount  Rochford,  Earle  of  Dover."  He  commences 
his  dedication  thus :  "  Sir  Robert  Cotton,  that  most  learned 
treasurer  of  antiquitie,  having  by  the  perusal  of  my  '  Generall 
Historie'  and  others,  found  that  I  had  likewise  undergone  divers 
other  hard  hazards  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  requested  me 
to  fix  the  whole  course  of  my  passages  in  a  booke  by  itselfe, 
whose  noble  desire  I  could  not  but  in  part  satisfie ;  the  rather, 
because  they  have  acted  my  fatal  Tragedies  on  the  stage,  & 
racked  my  Relations  at  their  pleasure."  In  conclusion  he  says 
he  dedicated  his  work  to  these  noblemen  and  expected  them  to 
patronize  it,  because  they  were  "  acquainted  both  with  my  [his] 
endeavors  and  writings."  That  this  work  received  a  favorable 
notice  from  them  we  learn  from  the  dedication  of  a  later  work 
by  Smith,  called  "  Advertisements  for  the  Unexperienced." 

Sir  Robert  Cotton  was  the  founder  of  the  Cottonian  Library, 
now  a  valuable  part  of  the  British  Museum.  He  and  the  Earl  of 
Pembroke  were  members  of  the  Virginia  Company,  and  had 
ample  opportunities  of  knowing  whether  Smith's  "  General  His- 


ADDRESS.  45> 

tory*'  was  truthful  or  not.  Had  they  not  been  satisfied  of  his 
truthfulness  they  would  hardly  have  allowed  their  names  to  be 
used  in  his  dedication  of  his  "  True  Travels,"  and  such  use  of 
their  names  must  be  taken  as  their  endorsement  of  the  author. 

The  most  remarkable  adventures  related  in  this  last  work  are 
the  killing  of  three  Turks  by  Smith  in  single  combat  before  the 
town  of  Regall,  in  Transilvania,  and  his  subsequent  escape  from 
captivity  in  Tartary.  These  are  attested  by  the  patent  of  Sigis- 
mundus  Bathor,  Duke  of  Transilvania,  given  in  full  by  Smith 
in  his  book,  together  with  the  certificate  of  its  record  in  the  office 
of  the  Herald  of  Arms  at  London.  By  this  patent  Smith  was 
authorized  to  add  three  Turk's  heads  to  his  coat  of  arms.  Graze- 
brook,  in  his  "  Heraldry  of  Smith,"  says  he  found  Smith's  Coat 
of  Arms  with  the  Turk's  heads,  which  were  confirmed  to  him  by 
the  College  of  Arms,  in  the  British  Museum.  Harleian  MS., 
No.  578.  Burke,  in  his  "  Encyclopedia  of  Heraldry,"  describes 
it  also.  With  such  proof  of  the  most  remarkable  incidents  in  his 
early  life  we  need  not  look  beyond  Smith's  own  statement  for 
evidence  of  the  rest  of  this  narrative. 

As  this  attack  has  grown  out  of  Smith's  statements  in  the 
"  General  History,"  however,  we  will  look  more  particularly  to 
the  evidence  of  his  truthfulness  in  that  book. 

We  have  seen  that  the  "  ( ieneral  History"  embodied  the  "  Ox- 
ford Tract,"  with  some  additions  from  the  pen  of  Smith,  and  that 
this  tract  was  carefully  compiled  out  of  the  writings  of  the  colon- 
ists, whose  names  are  given  by  Dr.  Symonds,  and  is  a  work  of 
the  highest  authority.  Now  a  comparison  of  this  book  with  the 
"  General  History"  shows  that  nearly  every  incident  of  Smith's 
stay  in  Virginia,  given  in  the  "  History,"  is  found  in  the  "Tract." 
Certainly  we  find  in  it  abundant  evidence  of  "  his  perils,  preser- 
vations, dangers,  deliverances,"  which  Fuller,  through  ignorance, 
or  something  worse,  claimed  were  published  and  proclaimed 
alone  by  Smith. 

The  "Oxford  Tract"  relates,  among  other  incidents,  his  being 
surprised  by  Opechankanough  with  two  hundred  men,  while  he 
only  had   fifteen,  and  Ins  extrication  of  himself  and  his  men  by 

zing  the  Indian  King  by  his  long  lock  and  presi  nting  a  cock<  d 
pistol  to  his  breasl ;  his  1  ncounter,  while  alone,  with  the  King  ol 
Paspahegh,  "a  most  strong,  stout  salvage,"  which  was  only  ended 


50  ADDRESS. 

by  Smith's  getting  him  into  the  river,  and  almost  drowning  him; 
and  the  plot  of  Powhatan  to  surprise  him  and  murder  his  party, 
while  away  from  Jamestown,  which  was  prevented  by  Pocahontas, 
who,  "by  stealth  in  the  darke  night  came  through  the  wild  woods 
and  told  him  of  it." 

That  the  Statements,  added  by  Smith  in  his  History,  were  true, 
inclusively  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  book  was  published  in 
1624,  when  many  persons  who  had  been  with  Smith  in  Virginia 
were  alive,  and  some  of  them  inimical  to  him,  and  we  have  no 
evidence  that  any  one  of  his  companions  ever  contradicted  the 
statements  in  the  book,  while  some  of  them  directly  testified  to 
their  truthfulness.  The  first  edition  contained  tributes  in  verse, 
commending  Smith  and  his  book,  written  by  twenty-one  persons, 
and  a  later  edition  gives  in  addition  similar  tributes  by  twelve 
others.  Of  these  thirty-three  persons  several  were  members  of 
the  London  Company,  and  five  were  with  Smith  in  Virginia, 
three  arriving  with  the  first  supply,  and  two  with  the  second,  as 
appears  by  the  published  lists.  One  of  the  contributors,  Edward 
Robinson,  served  under  him  in  Transilvania,  and  was  a  witness 
to  his  adventures  there. 

Michael  Phettiplace,  William  Phettiplace  and  Richard  Wiffing, 
who  came  to  Virginia  with  the  first  supply,  united  in  their  tribute. 
They  recount  the  fact  that  they  were  with  him  in  Virginia,  and 
witnessed  his  prowess  among  the  Indians.     They  say  of  him : 

"  Who  hast  nought  in  thee  counterfeit  or  slie." 

and  add 

"  Who  saith  of  thee,  this  savors  of  vaine-glorie, 

Mistakes  both  thee  and  us  and  this  true  storie." 

Of  the  two  who  came  with  the  second  supply  one,  John  Cod- 
rington,  writes  : 

"  That  which  we  call  the  subject  of  all  storie, 
Is  truth :  which  in  this  worke  of  thine  gives  glorie 
To  all  that  thou  hast  done." 

And  the  other,  Raleigh  Crashaw,  speaking  of  the  praise  due 
to  him,  says: 

"  For  all  good  men's  tongues  shall  keep  the  same." 
Among  the  other  contributors   we  find  several  of  the  most 


ADDRESS. 


51 


noted  men  of  the  day.     George  Wither,  distinguished  as  a  poet, 
satirist  and  soldier,  says : 

"  Sir  your  relations,  I  have  read,  which  show 
Ther's  reason  I  should  honour  them  and  you." 

R.  Brathwait,  an  author  of  eminence,  and  John  Donne,  the 
celebrated  poet,  each  contribute  handsomely  to  the  author's 
praise ;  but  the  tribute  deserving  of  the  most  weight,  perhaps,  is 
that  of  the  Rev.  Samuel  Purchas,  the  renowned  collector  of 
travels.     He  commences  it  thus  : 

"  Loe  here  Smith's  Forge,  where  Forgery's  Roague-branded," 

and  continues  at  some  length  his  quaint  verses. 

The  character  of  Purchas  is  thus  drawn  by  Boissard,  who  is 
followed  by  Chalmers  and  by  the  Encyclopaedia  Brittanica  :  "A 
man  exquisitely  skilled  in  languages,  and  all  arts,  divine  and 
human  ;  a  very  great  philosopher,  historian,  and  divine ;  a  faith- 
ful presbyter  of  the  Church  of  England,  very  famous  for  many 
excellent  writings,  especially  for  his  vast  volumes  of  the  East  and 
West  Indies,  written  in  his  native  tongue." 

He  resided  in  London,  and  was  rector  of  St.  Martin's,  Ludgate, 
and  chaplain  to  Abbott,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury.  Mr.  Neill 
shows  him  to  have  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  Virgina  Com- 
pany of  London,  and  his  works  show  him  to  have  been  an  inde- 
fatigable collector  of  travels,  and  colonial  histories.  His  great 
work,  styled  "  Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes,"  was  published  in  1625, 
the  year  after  Smith's  "  General  History"  appeared.  In  the  4th 
volume,  at  page  1705,  he  commences  a  history  of  Virginia,  with 
this  caption,  "The  proceedings  of  the  English  Colony  in  Vir- 
ginia, taken  faithfully  out  of  the  writing  of  Thomas  Studley,  cape- 
merchant,  Anas  Todkill,  Doctor  Russell,  Nathaniel  Powell,  Wil- 
liam Phetiplace  and  Richard  Pot,  Richard  Wifhn,  Tho.  Abbay, 
Tho.  Hope  ;  and  since  enlarged  out  of  the  writings  of  Capt. 
John  Smith,  principall  Agent  and  Patient  in  these  Virginia 
occurrents,  from  the  beginning  of  the  plantation,  1606,  till  Ann. 
i'.io,  somewhat  abridged."  In  a  marginal  note  he  says:  "I 
have  many  written  Treatises  lying  by  me,  written  by  Capt.  Smith 
and  others,  some  there,  Borne  here  after  their  return  ;  but  because 
these  have  already  scene  the  light,  and  COntaine  a  lull  relation  of 
Virginian  Affaires,  I  was  loth  to  wearie  the  reader  with  others  of 


ADDRESS. 
this  rime.'1     At  page  1773   he  tells  us  he  had  the  advantage  of  a 

perusal  of  Smith's  "(h-iht.i1  History"  in  MS.  while  preparing 
his  work.  He  also  relates  the  visit  of  Rolfe  and  Pocahontas 
with  Temocomo,  "one  of  Powhatan's  counsellours,"  to  England 
in  \<>\<\  and  states  thai  he  often  conversed  with  this  savage, 
and  was  favored  by  Rolfe  with  the  loan  of  his  work  upon  Vir- 
ginia. He  tells  us  of  the  honor  and  respect  which  were  shown 
to  Pocahontas,  not  only  by  the  Company,  but  by  many  per- 
sons  of  honor,  and  particularly  mentions  the  magnificent  enter- 
tainment given  her  by  Dr.  King,  Lord  Bishop  of  London,  at 
which  he  was  present.  With  all  of  the  advantages  of  living  at 
the  time  of  the  transactions  recorded  by  Smith,  of  mingling 
with  the  Company  which  colonized  Virginia,  of  having  before  him 
the  published  and  unpublished  writings  of  the  colonists,  some  of 
which  are  now  lost,  and  of  personally  knowing  so  many  of  the 
most  conspicuous  characters  which  figure  in  the  history  of 
the  colony,  the  testimony  of  this  able  and  accurate  writer 
should  be  conclusive  as  to  Smith's  "General  History."  Not 
only  does  he  contribute  verses  commending  Smith's  work,  but 
we  find  that  in  his  own  book  he  follows  him  closely,  and 
gives  the  particulars  of  his  rescue  by  Pocahontas  as  they  are 
related  in  the  "  General  History."  It  must  have  been  that  the 
acts  of  kindness  shown  by  Pocahontas  to  the  English  in  Vir- 
ginia were  topics  of  conversation  while  she  was  so  conspicuous  a 
person  in  London,  as  the  correspondence  of  the  day  shows 
she  was.  Her  rescue  of  Smith  was  either  not  known  or  was 
the  subject  of  conversation.  Purchas,  who  was  intimate  with 
Smith,  and  was  in  the  society  of  Pocahontas  and  Rolfe,  must 
have  conversed  with  them  about  the  matter,  if  it  was  known. 
If  it  was  not  then  known,  Purchas  would  have  had  his  suspi- 
cions aroused  when  Smith  afterwards  put  the  incident  in  his 
"General  History,"  and,  as  a  careful  historian,  would  have  exam- 
ined the  evidences  of  the  truth  of  the  statement  before  he  in- 
serted it  in  his  own  book.  In  either  event  the  fact  that  Purchas 
records  the  incident  is  the  strongest  evidence  of  its  truth. 

When  we  look  to  the  writings  of  Smith  himself  for  evidence 
of  the  truthfulness  of  his  statement,  in  regard  to  the  rescue,  we 
find  it  ample  to  confirm  our  reliance  on  his  veracity. 

It  is  true  that  the  garbled  letter  from  Virginia,  published  in 
1608,  makes  no  mention  of  the  matter,  but  it  relates  an  incident 


ADDRESS. 


53 


-very  suggestive  of  the  truth  of  his  subsequent  statement.  Soon 
after  Smith  was  released  from  his  captivity  he  determined  to 
arrest  some  Indians  who  had  been  caught  thieving  in  James- 
town. Powhatan  was  greatly  concerned  at  the  arrest,  and  sent 
several  messengers  to  obtain  their  release ;  finally  he  sent  Poca- 
hontas, who  is  described  as  "  a  child  of  tenne  years  old,"  (she 
was  probably  twelve)  and  Smith  delivered  to  her  the  prisoners. 
Why  the  cunning  savage  should  have  trusted  his  favorite  child 
at  such  a  tender  age  upon  such  an  errand  would  be  difficult  to 
explain,  unless  we  believe  Smith's  statement  that  she  had  previ- 
ously saved  his  life. 

In  his  other  writings  Smith  frequently  mentions  his  rescue,  and 
in  such  a  way  as  would  have  led  to  detection  had  he  made  a  false 
statement  about  it. 

In  his  "  General  History"  he  states,  that  upon  the  arrival  of 
Pocahontas  in  England,  in  1616,  he,  "  to  deserve  her  former  cour- 
tesies, made  her  qualities  knowne  to  the  Oueene's  most  excellent 
Majestie  and  her  court,  and  writ  a  little  booke  to  this  effect  to  the 
Queene,  an  abstract  whereof  followeth."  In  this  abstract  he 
recounts  his  captivity  amongst  the  Indians  while  in  Virginia,  and 
says :  "  After  some  six  weeks  fatting  amongst  these  salvage 
courtiers,,  at  the  minute  of  my  execution  she  hazarded  the  beat- 
ing out  of  her  owne  braines  to  save  mine,  &  not  only  that,  but 
so  prevailed  with  her  father  that  I  was  safely  conducted  to  James- 
towne."  He  then  goes  on  to  relate  her  coming  to  him  afterwards 
in  the  night  to  apprise  him  of  her  father's  plot  to  murder  him 
and  his  men,  her  relief  of  the  colonists  from  want,  and  her  ser- 
vices in  keeping  peace  between  them  and  the  Indians.  He  then 
adds  these  words  :  "  Thus,  most  gracious  Lady,  I  have  related  to 
your  Majestic  what  at  your  best  leasure  our  approved  Histories 
will  account  you  at  large." 

If  this  letter  was  written  to  the  Queen  under  the  circumstances, 
and  at  the  time  stated,  we  cannot  doubt  with  any  reason  the 
truth  of  its  statements.  Every  statement  it  contains,  except  that 
concerning  his  rescue,  is  supported  by  the  writings  of  others  in 
the  "  Oxford  Tract,"  who  were  eye-witnesses.  The  rescue  was 
only  witnessed  by  the  Indians;  bul  an  assertion  of  it  in  a  Inter  t<» 
the  Queen  on  behalf  oJ  Pocahontas,  when  she  and  her  husband 
and  her  brother-in-law  were  in  England,  would  not  have  been 
attempted  if  it  had  never  happened. 


54  ADDRESS. 

Sir  Thomas  Dale  brought  them  to  Kngland,  and  they  were  the 
guests  of  the  London  Company.  Dale  and  the  members  of  the 
Company  were  well  informed  of  the  incidents  of  Smith's  life  in 
Virginia,  as  he  had  been  the  most  conspicuous  man  in  the  colony. 
Besides,  some  of  the  companions  of  Smith  in  Virginia  had  re- 
turned  to  England,  and  amongst  them  were  several  of  his  ene- 
mies.  1  lad  Smith  for  the  first  time  related  his  rescue  under  such 
circumstances,  or  repeated  a  story  which  was  untrue,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  believe  that  it  would  have  passed  without  exposure.  Nor 
can  we  discover  any  motive  prompting  Smith  to  so  hazardous 
an  undertaking  as  the  utterance  of  such  a  falsehood.  The  other 
incidents  in  the  life  of  Pocahontas,  related  in  the  letter  and  at- 
tested by  the  writings  of  others,  were  ample  to  commend  her  to 
the  favorable  notice  of  the  Queen,  and  to  gratify  any  vanity 
Smith  might  have  had  about  connecting  their  names.  No  other 
motive  has  been  suggested  by  those  attacking  him. 

But  the  statement  made  in  this  letter  that  approved  histories 
contained  this  with  the  other  acts  of  kindness  towards  the  Eng- 
lish, performed  by  Pocahontas,  proves  that  it  was  not  then  for 
the  first  time  related  by  Smith.  Doubtless  the  reference  is  to 
some  of  the  writings  mentioned  by  Purchas,  which  are  now  lost. 
It  will  not  do  to  say  now  that  no  such  statement  was  contained 
in  histories  then  extant,  when  Smith  openly  stated  that  it  was, 
and  by  publishing  the  letter  in  1624  reiterated  the  statement 
without  contradiction. 

It  is  proper  to  note  that  what  is  given  in  the  "  General  His- 
tory," is  stated  to  be  an  "  abstract"  of  the  letter,  or  "little  book  " 
which  was  sent  to  the  Queen.  It  cannot  be  properly  concluded, 
therefore,  that  the  rescue  was  not  more  fully  detailed  in  the  letter 
than  in  the  abstract,  and  all  the  effort  which  has  been  made  to 
represent  the  account  of  the  rescue  as  growing  by  repetition  is 
without  warrant. 

The  fact  that  Smith  wrote  this  letter  in  1 616,  if  conceded,  is 
conclusive  of  the  rescue,  and  this  was  so  apparent  to  Mr.  Adams 
that  he  attempted  to  discredit  Smith's  statement  concerning  it. 
If  the  letter  was  written  as  claimed,  the  members  of  the  court 
must  have  known  of  it,  and  when  Smith  published  the  state- 
ment in  1624,  there  were  living  many  persons  who  had  been 
members  of  the  court  of  161 6.  The  Queen  was  dead,  but  the 
King  was  alive.     There  were  also  surviving,  Prince  Charles,  who 


ADDRESS.  55 

named  for  Smith  the  localities  he  had  discovered  in  New  Eng- 
land; the  celebrated  Duchess  of  Richmond  and  Lenox,  to  whom 
the  "General  History"  was  dedicated;  the  Duchess  of  Bedford, 
lady  to  the  Queen's  bed  chamber,  an  authoress  and  a  patron- 
ess of  literary  men  ;  the  Duchess  of  Nottingham,  lady  to  the 
Queen's  drawing  chamber,  famous  for  her  connection  with  the 
ring  said  to  have  been  given  by  Elizabeth  to  the  unfortunate 
Earl  of  Essex,  who  lost  his  head;  and  the  Duchess  of  Suffolk, 
also  of  the  drawing  chamber,  and  mother  of  the  notorious  woman 
who  was  divorced  from  that  Earl  of  Essex,  who  subsequently 
led  the  armies  of  Parliament  against  Charles  the  First. 

These,  and  many  others,  would  have  at  once  detected  the  false- 
hood had  Smith  dared  to  publish  in  1624  a  letter  purporting  to 
have  been  written  in  1616  to  the  Queen  and  her  court,  about  so 
interesting  a  person  as  Pocahontas,  which  he  had  in  fact  never 
written.  Purchas,  too,  who  lived  in  London,  and  was  intimate  with 
Smith,  must  have  known  whether  the  statement  was  true,  and,  so 
far  from  any  one  denying  it,  he  and  others  are  found  endorsing  it, 
as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  book. 

The  second  reference  to  his  rescue  was  made  by  Smith  in 
1622  in  his  book  entitled  "  New  England  Trials."  He  had  just 
heard  of  the  massacre  by  the  Indians  in  Virginia,  and  this  led 
him  to  speak  of  his  experience  in  the  colony.  Amongst  other 
things  he  says:  "Those  two  honorable  Gentlemen,  Captaine 
George  Percie  and  Capt.  Francis  West,  two  of  the  Phitteplaces, 
and  some  other  such  noble  Gentlemen  and  resolute  spirits  bore 
their  shares  with  me,  and,  now  living  in  England,  did  see  me 
take  this  murdering  Opechankanough,  now  their  Great  King, 
by  the  long  lock  on  his  head,  with  my  pistol  to  his  breast  I 
led  him  amongst  his  greatest  forces."  Further  on  he  adds :  "  It 
is  true  in  our  greatest  extremity  they  shot  me,  slue  three  of  my 
men,  and  by  the  folly  of  them  that  tied  took  me  prisoner,  yet 
God  made  Pocahontas,  the  King's  Daughter,  the  meanes  to 
deliver  me."  It  thus  appears  that  these  companions  of  Smith 
were  in  England  in  1622,  and  he  named  them  as  witnesses  to 
certain  actions  of  his  in  Virginia.  These  persons  must  have 
heard  the  particulars  of  Smith's  captivity  when  they  lived  in 
Virginia,  and  they  would  have  pronounced  this  statement  in 
reference  to  the  rescue   false,  if,  indeed,  it  was  false 


56  ADDRESS. 

We  learn  from  Mr.  Null's  book  that  Rolfe  died  in  1622,  the 
year  this  statement  was  published,  and  he  may  not  have  seen  it 
in  print,  but  we  learn  from  the  same  author  that  his  brother, 
Henry  Rolfe,  was  living  in  England  at  the  time,  and  was  the 
guardian  ol  the  son  of  Pocahontas.  He  certainly  would  have 
informed  himself  of  the  matter,  -md  denied  the  statement  if  he  had 
found  it  untrue.  The  reference  of  Smith  in  the  passage  seems' 
to  be  to  a  matter  well  known,  and  has  every  indication  of  truth 
about  it,  and  it  cannot  be  believed,  without  conclusive  testimony, 
that  he  then  for  the  first  time,  and  falsely,  put  forth  a  claim  that 
Pocahontas  saved  his  life.  It  may  be  as  well  to  state  that  in  the 
verses  of  the  Phettiplaces,  printed  with  the  '' General  History," 
and  endorsing-  it,  they  particularly  mention  Smith's  adventure 
with  Opechankanough,  which  they  witnessed. 

The  next  reference  we  find  is  in  Smith's  letter  to  the  commis- 
sioners appointed  by  the  King  in  1623,  to  inquire  into  the  affairs 
of  the  Company.  In  this  Smith  says:  "Six  weekes  I  was  led 
captive  by  those  Barbarians,  though  some  of  my  men  were 
slaine,  and  the  rest  fled,  yet  it  pleased  God  to  make  their  great 
King's  daughter  the  meanes  to  returne  me  safe  to  Jamestowne." 
Here  again  Smith  would  have  been  detected  if  he  had  related  a 
falsehood,  as  the  commissioners  were  directed  to  enquire  into 
the  affairs  of  the  Company  from  the  beginning,  and  they  exam- 
ined various  persons  who  had  been  connected  with  it  and  knew 
its  history. 

The  fourth  statement  as  to  his  rescue  is  found  in  the  "  General 
History,"  where  the  detailed  account  is  given  heretofore  quoted. 
When  we  remember  that  this  book  states  that  it  was  written  at 
the  instance  of  the  Virginia  Company  of  London,  which  state- 
ment was  not  contradicted  by  any  one,  so  far  as  we  know,  but 
was  confirmed  by  several  members  who  commended  the  veracity 
of  the  author  as  regards  his  statements  in  the  volume,  we  must 
look  upon  the  book  as  published  with  the  endorsation  of  the 
Company.  The  men  who  composed  the  Company  were  among 
the  noblest  and  best  in  the  kingdom,  and  had  every  opportunity 
of  knowing  whether  Smith  wrote  the  truth  about  their  history. 
It  is  not  credible  that  they  would  have  permitted  his  work  to  go 
through  so  many  editions  without  correcting  what  was  known  to 
be  false.      The  fact,  therefore,  that   Smith's  book,  so   far   from 


ADDRESS.  57 

being  disowned  by  the  members  of  the  Company,  was  accepted 
as  the  standard  history  of  the  colony  from  its  first  appearance, 
is  very  strong  evidence  of  its  truthfulness. 

The  author  was,  in  fact,  a  man  of  high  character  as  well  as 
genius.  He  was  one  of  the  persons  selected  by  the  Company  to 
govern  the  infant  colony  of  Virginia ;  he  was  entrusted  with  the 
charge  of  two  expeditions  to  New  England,  and  was  appointed 
Admiral  of  that  country.  His  maps  of  the  countries  he  visited, 
and  descriptions  of  their  inhabitants,  are  acknowledged  by  all 
writers  to  be  remarkably  accurate,  and  the  estimation  in  which 
he  was  held  by  those  who  knew  him  best,  is  admirably  expressed 
by  one  of  the  writers  in  the  "  Oxford  Tract"  upon  the  occasion  of 
his  departure  from  the  colony,  in  these  words : 

"  What  shall  I  saye,  but  thus  we  lost  him  ;  that  in  all  his  pro- 
ceedings made  justice  his  first  guide,  and  experience  his  second, 
ever  hating  basenesse,  sloth,  pride  and  indignitie  more  than  any 
dangers;  that  never  allowed  more  for  himselfe  than  for  his  sol- 
diers with  him ;  that  upon  no  danger  would  send  them  where  he 
would  not  lead  them  himselfe;  that  would  never  see  us  want  what 
he  either  had  or  could  by  any  means  get  us ;  that  would  rather 
want  than  borrow,  or  starve  than  not  pay  ;  that  loved  action  more 
than  wordes,  and  hated  falsehood  and  coveteousnesse  worse  than 
death,  whose  adventures  were  our  lives,  and  whose  losse  our 
deathes." 

The  London  Company  were  prompted  in  sending  out  the  col- 
ony by  the  desire  ot  immediate  gain,  and  when  disappointed, 
threatened  to  abandon  the  colonists  to  their  fate;  and  the  hard- 
ships of  colonial  life  made  many  desirous  ot"  abandoning  the 
enterprise.  But  the  far-reaching  genius  of  Smith  saw  in  the 
fertile  soil  and  mild  climate  ot"  Virginia,  the  provision  by  Provi- 
dence for  a  great  people,  and  he  set  himself  resolutely  to  the 
work    of    bringing    into    subjection    the    native    tribes,*    and    of 


*The    influence   acquired    l<y   Smith   over   the    Indians    is   thus   d  1    in 

"Purchas1   Pilgrimage,"  edition   1014,  p.  768:  "Powhatan  bad  above  thirtie 

Commanders,  or  Wirrowancet,  under   bim,  all  of  which  were  not  in  i"  i'  e  only, 

hut  serviceable,  in  Captaine  Sin.-  .  to  the  englub,  and  Kill,  as  I 


58  ADDRESS. 

making  the  colony  self-supporting.  He  rebuked  the  London 
Company  for  their  threat  to  abandon  the  colony,  he  defeated  the 
efforts  i"  abandon  the  settlement  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  he  forced 
the  men  to  labor,  ami  he  taught  them  how  to  hold  the  Indians  in 
subjection,  and  to  get  from  them  needed  provisions.  In  a  word, 
he  demonstrated  the  practicability  of  the  enterprise. 

Years  afterwards,  and  when,  through  his  exertions  in  a  great 
measure,  Virginia  had  been  successfully  planted,  he  pictured  the 
miseries  through  which  they  had  passed  who  planted  it,  and  his 
entire  devotion  of  himself  to  its  interests  in  these  words:  "By 
that  acquaintance  I  have  with  them,  I  call  them  my  children,  for 
they  have  been  my  wife,  my  hawks,  hounds,  my  cards,  my  dice, 
and  in  totall,  my  best  content,  as  indifferent  to  my  heart  as  my 
left  hand  to  my  right.  And  notwithstanding  all  those  miracles 
of  disasters  have  crossed  both  them  and  me,  yet  were  there  not 
an  Englishman  remaining,  as  God  be  thanked,  notwithstanding 
the  massacre,  there  are  some  thousands,  I  would  yet  begin 
againe  with  as  small  meanes  as  I  did  at  first." 

As  his  companions  freely  accorded  to  him  the  honor  of  being 
the  real  founder  of  Virginia,  now  that  his  work  has  developed 
into  such  a  power  for  the  advancement  of  mankind,  the  world 
should  freely  accord  him  the  great  honor  which  is  his  due.  His 
name,  belittled  by  Fuller  in  its  insertion  among  the  "  Worthies 
of  England,"  should  be  enrolled  among  the  "  Worthies  of  Man- 
kind," and  he  be  forever  assigned  an  honored  place  among  the 
founders  of  great  nations. 

Mr.  Neill,  however,  has  not  been  content  to  aim  at  the  de- 
struction of  Smith's  character  alone;  he  has  also  attempted  to 
blacken  the  characters  of  Pocahontas  and  Rolfe.  He  has  repro- 
duced the  description  of  the  Indian  princess  at  the  age  of  eleven 
or  twelve,  given  by  Strachey,  in  which  she  is  represented  as  a 
"well-featured  but  wanton  young  girle,"  playing  with  the  boys  in 
Jamestown.  It  may  be  a  matter  of  doubt  whether  Mr.  Neill 
meant  by  this  to  represent  the  innocent  girl  as  unchaste,  as  we 
know  others  have  done  from  this  passage.  He  may  have 
thought  that  his  readers  would  know,  what  he  did  not  note,  that 

have  beene  told  by  some  that  have  since  beene  there,  they  doe  affect  him  and 
will  ask  of  him." 


ADDRESS. 


59 


Strachey  and  his  contemporaries  used  the  word  "wanton"  in  the 
sense  of  "  playful."*  But  he  has  left  us  in  no  doubt  that  he  would 
have  us  believe  that  before  the  marriage  of  Rolfe  and  Pocahontas 
they  had  been  married  to  other  persons,  one  of  whom  at  least 
was  then  alive.  He  also  expressly  charges  Rolfe  with  dishonest 
dealings  with  the  estate  of  Lord  Delaware.  The  testimony  he 
adduces  to  sustain  these  charges  will  be  found  singularly  inade- 
quate. 

The  evidence  relied  on  to  show  that  Pocahontas  was  married 
before  she  married  Rolfe,  is  a  passage  in  Strachey's  "  Historie  of 
Travaile  into  Virginia,"  at  page  54,  in  which  the  author  says, 
"  They  often  reported  unto  us  that  Powhatan  had  then  lyving 
twenty  sonnes  and  ten  daughters,  besyde  a  young  one  by  Winga- 
nuske,  Machumps  his  sister,  and  a  great  darling  of  the  King's  ; 
and  besides,  younge  Pocohunta,  a  daughter  of  his,  using  some- 
tyme  to  our  fort  in  tymes  past,  nowe  married  to  a  private  cap- 
taine  called  Kocoum,  some  two  yeares  since." 

Strachey  did  not  publish  this  work,  but  left  two  copies  of  a 
manuscript,  from  one  of  which,  found  in  the  British  Museum, 
Mr.  R.  H.  Major,  in  1849,  made  the  publication.  At  page  29, 
the  author,  speaking  of  the  country  north  of  James  river,  says  it 
was  "  the  place  wherein  our  aboad  &  habitation  now  (well  neere) 
1 1   yeares  consisted."     The  editor  tells  us  in  a  note  to  this  pas- 


*"  All  wanton  as  a  child,  skipping  and  vain."     Love's  Labor  Lost,  v,  2. 

"  Like  wanton  boys,  that  swim  on  bladders."     Henry  VIII,  iii,  2. 

"  As  flies  to  wanton  boys  are  we  to  the  Gods 
They  kill  us  for  their  sport."      King  Lear,  iv,  1. 

"Quips  and  cranks  and  wanton  wiles."     L'Allegro. 

At  page  14,  Strachey  says  the  word  Pocahontas  signifies  "little  Wanton," 
showing  it  was  a  pet  name. 

A  passage  in  the  Oxford  Tract,  taken  from  the  writings  of  Richard  Pots,  has 
been  quoted  by  a  late  writer  to  cast  a  stigma  upon  Pocahontas.  Pols  is 
denying  the  charge  that  Smith  ever  intended  to  marry  her  and  make  himself 
King  of  Virginia.  He  says  :  "  If  he  would  he  might  have  married  her,  or  done 
what  him  listed,  for  there  was  none  that  could  have  hindered  his  determina- 
tion." This  plainly  was  meant  to  indicate  the  extent  of  Smith's  power  in  Vir- 
ginia, and  not  to  indicate  any  want  of  virtue  in  Pocahontas,  who  could  not  have 
been  over  fourteen  when  he  left  the  colony.  The  inscription  on  her  portrait, 
in    1616,  makes  her  then  21  years  old. 


<50  APDKl.SS. 

sage,  that  in  the  manuscript  the  word,  "six,"  was  originally 
written,  but  had  been  crossed  out  and  the  figures  n  inserted  in 
a  darkei  colored  ink.  This  shows  that  Strachey  was  from  the 
year  [613  to  the  year  [618,  or  thereabouts,  preparing  this  manu- 
script. The-  reference  to  the  marriage  of  Pocahontas  was  evi- 
dently made  when  .she  was  alive,  and  she  died  in  March,  1617, 
in  England.  She  was  married  to  Rolfe  in  April,  1614,  so  that 
if  this  passage  referring  to  her  was  written  in  the  latter  part  of 
1615,  or  [616,  it  would  have  fitted  in  date  that  marriage. 

We  Karn  from  the  editor  that  the  other  copy  of  Strachey's 
manuscript,  which  is  at  Oxford,  was  dedicated  to  "Sir  Allen 
Apsley,  Purveyor  to  his  Majestie's  Navie  Royall."  Sir  Allen 
was  appointed  to  the  higher  office  of  Lieutenant  of  the  Tower 
in  1010,  as  we  learn  from  his  daughter,  in  her  memoir  of  Colonel 
Hutchinson,  and  afterwards  it  would  have  been  proper  to  have 
added  this  higher  title  to  his  name.  This  makes  it  certain  that 
the  manuscript  was  completed  during  or  before  1616. 

The  reliance  to  show  that  it  was  not  Rolfe  who  was  referred 
to  as  her  husband,  is  in  the  use  of  the  Indian  name  Kocoum.  It 
will  be  seen  that  the  text  does  not  say  that  the  husband  was 
named  Kocoum,  but  that  he  was  a  "  private  Captaine  called 
Kocoum."  In  Smith's  description  of  the  Indians,  (page  143, 
Richmond  edition, )  he  says  :  "  They  have  but  few  words  in  their 
language,  and  but  few  occasions  to  use  any  officers  more  than 
one  commander,  which  commonly  they  call  Werowancc,  or 
Caucorousc,  which  is  captaine."  Any  one  reading  the  authors 
we  have  been  referring  to,  will  be  struck  with  the  many  ways 
in  which  they  spell  the  same  words,  and  especially  Indian 
words,  not  even  observing  the  rule  of  idem  so?ui7is.  It  is 
very  probable,  therefore,  that  the  word  Kocoum  is  but  a  dif- 
ferent spelling  oi  Caucorouse,  both  meaning  a  captain,  and 
referring  to  the  position  held  by  Rolfe  at  Jamestown  as  a 
captain  of  some  section  of  the  colonists,  and  therefore  called  a 
private  captain.     We  have  no  information  that  the  Indians  had 


*  A  single  reference  to  Strachey  will  illustrate  these  various  spellings  of  the 
same  word.  At  page  56  he  speaks  "  of  Coiacohanauke,  which  we  commonly 
(though  corruptly)  call  Tapahanock,  and  is  the  same  which  Capt.  Smith  in  his 
mappe  calls  Ouiyoughcohanock,"  and  "of  the  VVeroance  Pepiscummah,  whome 
by  construction,  as  well  the  Indians  as  we,  call  Pipisco." 


ADDRESS.  61 

any  such  officer  except  for  war,  who  could  not  be  called  a  private 
captain,  while  we  find  that  the  colony  from   its  beginning  was 
thrown  into  companies,  having  captains  placed  over  them  for 
civil  government,  which  might  well  be  called  private  captains. 
It  is  evident,   therefore,  that  the  word  Kocoum  might  be  the 
Indian  designation  of  Rolfe,   either  from  the   office  of   private 
captain  which   he  held,  or  otherwise ;  and  that  being  the  case, 
and   it  thus  appearing  that  the  author  might  have  been,  and 
probably  was,  referring  to  the  marriage  with  Rolfe,  in  the  absence 
of  any  other  mention  by  him  or  by  other  writers  of  a  marriage 
with  any  one  else,  we  must  conclude  that  the  marriage  with  Rolfe 
was  referred  to.     Had  it  not  been  so,  when  the  author  revised  his 
manuscript  after  the  arrival  of  Pocahontas  in  England  as  the  wife 
of  Rolfe,  he  would  certainly  have  added  to  the  passage  the  state- 
ment that  she  had  subsequently  married  Rolfe.     That  the  author 
revised  this  manuscript  as  late  as  1618  is  shown  by  the  change  of 
date  we  have  noted,  and  by  the  fact  that  it  is  dedicated  to  "  Sir 
Francis  Bacon,  Lord  High  Chancellor,"  and  Bacon  was  not  made 
chancellor  till  January,  161 8. 

The  evidence  relied  on  to  show  that  Rolfe  had  another  wife 
living  at  his  marriage  with  Pocahontas,  is  a  passage  in  a  letter 
from  Strachey,  relating  his  shipwreck  upon  the  island  of  Ber- 
muda in  1 6 10,  on  his  way  to  Virginia.     It  is  found  at  page  1746 
of  vol.   iv.   of  Purchas'  Pilgrims,  and  is  as   follows:  "And  the 
eleventh  of  February  wee  had  the  childe  of  John  Rolfe  christened, 
a  daughter,  to  which  Captaine   Newport  and  myselfe  were  wit- 
nesses, and  the  aforesaid  Mistris  Horton,  and  we  named  it  Ber- 
muda."    No  mention  is  made  of  the  mother  of  this  child  so  as 
to  show  whether  she  was  then  alive,  and  no   mention  is   made  of 
her  afterwards  by  this   or  by  any  other  writer.     Several  years 
afterwards  we  find  Rolfe  publicly  married  at  Jamestown  to  Poca- 
hontas, with  the  consent  of  the  acting  Governor  and  of  her  father 
and  the  service  performed  by  a  minister  of  high  standing,  and 
we  are  obliged  to  conclude  that  his   first   wife   was   then   dead. 
The  letter  of  Rolfe  to  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  giving  his  reasons  for 
his  proposed  marriage  with  Pocahontas   is  preserved   by  Ilamor, 
and  it  shows  Rolfe  to  have  been  an   humble  Christian,  seeking 
Divine  guidance  :•->  t<>  the  whole  matter.     1  lis  allusion  to  his  con- 
dition in  the  following  sentence  shows  plainly  that   he  was  un- 
married :  "  Nor  .mi  I  in  so  desperate  an  estate,  that  1  regard  not 


0'2  ADDRESS. 

what  becommeth  of  mee  ;  nor  am  I  out  of  hope  but  one  day  to 
see  my  country,  nor  so  void  of  friends  nor  mean  of  birth  but 
there  to  obtain  a  mach  to  my  great  content." 

It  is  not  to  be  believed  that  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  the  acting  Gov- 
ernor,  and  the  Rev.  Alexander  Whitaker,  the  minister  in  the 
colony,  should  have  approved  of  the  marriage,  as  their  letters 
printed  by  Purchas  show,  if  either  of  the  parties  were  married  at 
the  time.  Both  Dale  and  Whitaker  state  that  Pocahontas  had 
been  baptized  into  the  Christian  faith  before  her  marriage.  Po- 
cahontas and  Rolfe  were  afterwards  carried  to  England  by  Dale, 
as  the  guests  of  the  London  Company,  and  were  received  with 
favor  at  Court  and  into  London  society.  Mr.  Neill  should  bring 
direct  and  overwhelming  proof  to  establish  now  that  they  were 
never  lawfully  married.  His  insinuations  to  the  contrary  will  not 
be  taken  as  proof,  and  can  injure  no  one  but  himself. 

At  page  101  of  his  book,  Mr.  Neill  heads  a  section  with  these 
words  :  "  Rolfe  suspected  of  unfair  dealings,"  and  he  adds,  "  The 
minutes  of  the  Company  do  not  give  a  very  high  opinion  of 
Rolfe's  honesty."  In  proof  he  gives  an  entry  of  April  30,  1621, 
by  which  it  appears  that  Lady  Delaware  requested,  "  that  in  con- 
sideration of  her  goods  remayning  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Rolfe,  in 
Virginia,  she  might  receive  satisfaction  for  the  same  out  of  his 
tobacco  now  sent  home."  Mr.  Neill  himself  gives  other  entries 
which  show  that  the  tobacco  did  not  belong  to  Rolfe,  and  that 
Mr.  Henry  Rolfe  was  directed  to  acquaint  her  ladyship  that  his 
brother  offered  to  make  her,  "  good  and  faithfull  account  of  all 
such  goods  as  remayne  in  his  hands,  upon  her  ladyship's  direc- 
tion to  that  effect."  Accordingly  she  desired  "  the  court  would 
grant  her  a  commission  dyrected  to  Sir  Frances  Wyatt,  Mr. 
George  Sandys  and  others,  to  examine  and  certifie  what  goods 
and  money  of  her  late  husband's  deceased,  came  to  the  hands  of 
Mr.  Rolfe,  *  *  *  and  to  require  the  attendinge  to  his  promise 
that  she  may  be  satisfied."  This  seems  to  have  been  the  usual 
way  that  estates  in  Virginia  were  appraised  and  settled  at  that 
time,  when,  for  the  lack  of  probate  courts  in  the  colony,  the 
Company  in  London  regulated  such  matters. 

Nothing  more  is  given  by  Mr.  Neill  from  any  source  as  to  the 
settlement  of  Lord  Delaware's  estate,  and  we  must  conclude  that 
Rolfe  fully  accounted  for  it  so  soon  as  his  accounts  were  lawfully 
settled  and  he  could  get  a  legal  discharge. 


ADDRESS.  63 

It  is  upon  such  a  flimsy  pretext  as  this  that  Mr.  Neill  attempts 
to  fix  the  charge  of  dishonesty  on  Rolfe,  who  is  represented  by 
the  Rev.  Alex.  Whitaker,  and  other  writers  of  the  time,  as  a  man 
of  high  character  and  of  great  usefulness  in  the  colony.  It  is 
worthy  of  note  that  he  was  the  pioneer  in  the  culture  of  Virginia's 
great  staple,  tobacco,  and  one  of  the  most  active  in  developing 
the  various  resources  of  the  country.  He  will  be  ever  remem- 
bered in  history,  however,  as  the  husband  of  Pocahontas,  who, 
born  the  daughter  of  a  savage  King,  was  endowed  with  all  the 
graces  of  character  which  become  a  Christian  princess;  who  was 
the  first  of  her  people  to  embrace  Christianity,  and  to  unite  in 
marriage  with  the  English  race;  who,  like  a  guardian  angel, 
watched  over  and  preserved  the  infant  colony  which  has  devel- 
oped into  a  great  people,  among  whom  her  own  descendants 
have  ever  been  conspicuous  for  true  nobility ;  and  whose  name 
will  be  honored  while  this  great  people  occupy  the  land  upon 
which  she  so  signally  aided  in  establishing  them. 


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